ROTTEN TO THE CORE: An in-depth look at the NSPCC. Part 1 Heinrich Grosskopf.

Christopher Spivey

In light of Rolf Harris being convicted of being a paedophile and given his connection with the Paedophile protecting NSPCC, I am now re-releasing this article which exposes the vile ‘charity’ for the dangerous organisation they really are.

Jules Winnfield confronts the NSPCC

Jules: What does Christopher Spivey look like?

NSPCC: What?
Jules: What country you from?

NSPCC: What?
Jules: What ain’t no country I ever heard of! They speak English in What?
NSPCC: What?
Jules: ENGLISH, MOTHERFUCKER! DO-YOU-SPEAK-IT?

NSPCC: Yes!
Jules: Then you know what I’m saying!
NSPCC: Yes!
Jules: Describe what Christopher Spivey looks like!
NSPCC: What, I-?
Jules: [pointing his gun at the NSPCC’s spokesman David Springer] Say what again. SAY WHAT AGAIN. I dare you, I double dare you, motherfucker. Say what one more goddamn time.

NSPCC: He’s w w white…
Jules: Go on.

NSPCC: He’s bald…
Jules: Does he look like a bitch?
NSPCC: What?
[Jules shoots Springer in shoulder]
Jules: DOES HE LOOK LIKE A BITCH?

NSPCC: No!
Jules: Then why you try to fuck him like a bitch, David?
NSPCC: I didn’t.
Jules: Yes you did. Yes you did, David Springer. You tried to fuck him. And Christopher Spivey don’t like to be fucked by anybody, except his girlfriend… When he has one.

 

The NSPCC finally broke their silence yesterday (21/2/13) and responded to the many public demands for them to come clean about their ex-employee and former ANC/MK Terrorist Heinrich Grosskopf.

It would appear that, give or take a few lines, everyone got more or less the same response. The following is probably the fullest. I have highlighted the important bits in Red, as I have also done throughout this report where the text is taken from newspapers or other sources:

Thank you for your enquiry. We’ve now checked through our employment records and can confirm that this man was previously employed with us and that he left the NSPCC in 2005.

We carried out full and thorough Criminal Records Bureau (CRB) checks at the time and established that he had no criminal record and wasn’t wanted by any law enforcement agency.

We were aware of his past links with the African National Congress (ANC). However, the South African Government’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission made clear that ANC members were not considered to have committed criminal acts.

Due to confidentiality, we are unable to discuss further specifics about an individual’s employment record.

Many Thanks

David Springer

David Springer! You sir – be it intentionally or otherwise – are a liar, a fact of which I will hopefully prove beyond all doubt by the end of this report.

Now, while Mr Springer is somewhat conveniently prevented by confidentiality from being able “to discuss further specifics about an individual’s employment record”, the same does not apply to me.

In any case, I would wager that I know an awful lot more about Grosskopf’s employment record than the NSPCC’s helpline support assistant does.

Therefore, I can confirm that Heinrich Johannes Grosskopf, born into a very wealthy, influential, white South African family on the 21st of December 1963, was employed as a Child Protection officer with the Blackburn branch of the NSPCC between 1999 and 2003.

In 2003, he took up a new appointment as manager to a team of social workers specialising in grief counselling at the NSPCC’s Acorn Centre in Blackpool. Grosskopf, did indeed hold this position up until October 2005.

Having said that and knowing what I do now, this appointment was akin to a convicted rapist being put in charge of a team of rape councillors.

Springer says in his statement that; “We were aware of his past links with the African National Congress”.

Then again, they would be since Grosskopf told them about his ANC links in 1999 – when he applied for and got his first job with the NSPCC as a Child Protection Officer at the Government funded Charities Blackburn branch.

On his application form Grosskopf states – quite fraudulently as it happens – that he was an exiled member of the ANC based in Zambia between January 1986 and August 1991.

He then goes on to list his duties in the ANC as being:

  • Various deployments, include Admin Sec of Repatriation Committee
  • Practical & emotional preparation of exiled members for return home
  • Office management, including budgeting, fund raising, project management
  • Recruitment, selection & supervision of Rep Com workers
  • Liaison with donors, government departments, airlines and receiving organisations and structures

Now, whilst I am fully aware that most people like to embellish their CV’s, nowhere in the above does it say anything about Grosskopf blowing people to kingdom fucking come.

On the other hand, neither does it say anything about him being a member of the ANC’s Umkhonto we Sizwe – the ANC’s Para-military wing which is more commonly known as MK – A fact that I am very thankful for since MK is certainly a lot easier to say and write. Moreover, I will be mentioning the terrorist organization an awful lot throughout the course of this report.

Right, first things first.

I cannot stress enough that MK was an extremely well organised and extremely feared terror organisation. To put their activities and affiliation to the ANC into perspective, MK can be likened to the IRA and their affiliation to Sinn Fein. Indeed, the two Para-military organisations had links with each other, despite what the British Government would have you believe.

From the Daily Express, July 16th 1988.

Another example of those links would be the bomb making school set up by the Irish Republican Army (IRA) in Luanda in Angola, Africa, where MK operatives were trained – Source

So, straight away it is obvious that the NSPCC are trying to justify their employment of Grosskopf by hiding behind the fact that the ANC is a Political Party.

Moreover, the ANC is the political party who at present are South Africa’s ruling party and have in fact, been so since 1994 when Nelson Mandela first swept to power.

A short history lesson on the ANC

You can skip this next section if you have no interest in learning anything about anything, which unfortunately is a big problem in this country today. However, it is quite interesting and reading it will help you get a better grasp of the facts.

The African National Congress (ANC), for anyone who doesn’t know but is interested in learning, was  first formed in 1912, following the Zulu wars with the British in the latter half of the 19th century –  See we were even invading countries back then, don’t cha know.

By the turn of the century, Britain had broken the power of the African kingdoms which in turn fell under the control of the colonial government. In 1910, Britain handed over control to the British settlers and the Boer (a Dutch and Afrikaans word for farmer which pertains to the white, Dutch settlers) after giving them independence.

This led to the formation of the Union of South Africa, with a government that recognised only the rights of white people and denied rights to blacks.

Course, these days the British Government invades countries for Oil and Heroin. However, back then it was all about Gold and Diamonds.

Diamonds had been discovered in South Africa in 1867 and gold in 1886. Mine bosses wanted large numbers of people to work for them in the mines. Laws and taxes were specifically designed to force Black people to leave their land. The most severe law was the 1913 land Act, which prevented Black Africans from buying, renting, or using land, except in the reserves… In other words, the Whites stole their land.

Many Black communities or families immediately lost their land because of the Land Act. For millions of other black people it became very difficult to live off the land. The Land Act effectively led to overcrowding, poverty, and starvation having left the Black South Africans with just 7% of their own land.

I believe that the British Prime Minister at that time was a well to do fellow by the name of Blair Cameron who came from a wealthy family of Thatcher’s, although I cannot testify to that and in all probability I just made it up… However, the rest of what I have just told you is true.

Fast forward to the late 1950’s, early 1960’s, and the ANC, now had Nelson Mandela in charge. The political party had also formed the Terrorist Organisation called MK.

MK had known links to MOSSAD (the Israeli intelligence Services {IS}), the CIA (the American I.S), and MI6 (the British I.S) as well as links to the IRA and the Soviet Union’s Communist Governments – the two latter in contradiction to the three former.

If anyone doubts the fact that the British were backing the ANC, you need look no further than volume 2 of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report which states the following:

British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan shocked and angered many members of the South African government when, in an address to the South African Parliament in February 1960, he spoke of “winds of change” blowing through Africa, implying the need for the South African government to adapt to changing times.

Its response was to do all in its power to ensure that this wind changed course before reaching South African borders. It did so, moreover, in the face of rising expectations of black South Africans that the days of white minority rule were numbered and that it was a matter of time before South Africa, too, would be ruled by a black majority.

And that was in the early 1960’s.

Further down the page in the same report is mention of those who were recruited to infiltrate various anti-apartheid groups, including the likes of  the ANC, as spies and double agents:

Recruited into that network were South African students studying abroad, a ranking Dutch police officer, some European journalists, and a journalist working for the BBC World Service.

It is worth noting at this point, that Grosskopf was a student when he first became interested in politics, shortly prior to him joining the ANC.

It is also important to remember that despite the ANC being a political party, they were still classed as a Terrorist organisation. The following is from Wikipedia:

The ANC was classified as a terrorist organisation by the South African government and by some Western countries including the United States of America and the United Kingdom. Nevertheless, the ANC had a London office from 1978 to 1994 at 28 Penton Street in Islington, north London, now marked with a plaque.

So, despite being categorised as a terrorist organisation, the ANC still had offices in London. Worse still, the fact that they did have an office here put British lives at risk. The following is from the Guardian newspaper published on the 15th of March 1982:

African National Congress supporters suspect ‘dirty tricks’ by South African security forces. Suspicion also falls on British far-right groups

The London offices of the African National Congress were wrecked by a 10-pound bomb which exploded against the rear wall at nine o’clock yesterday morning. Windows up to 400 yards away were shattered.

Mr Vernet Mbatha, an ANC voluntary worker, who was sleeping in a flat above the offices was slightly injured. The explosion provoked accusations of South African “dirty tricks,” and reports of plots involving rightwing groups and disgruntled former Rhodesian servicemen in London.

Police kept the area cordoned off for much of the day after reports that there might be a second device in the offices, in Penton Street, Islington. A police helicopter circled overhead while sniffer dogs were led through the debris. Nothing was found.

The ANC is banned in South Africa, where it has been stepping up its military fight against the regime. Anti-apartheid activists in London yesterday blamed the South Africans.

Mr Mike Terry, secretary of the Anti-Apartheid Movement. said: “Either directly or indirectly the finger must point to South Africa. We hope this will outrage people in this country and bring home the message that nobody can escape from what is happening in South Africa.”

Mr Sam Ramsamy, of the South African non-Racial Olympic Committee, which has organised sports boycotts of South Africa, said : “We always anticipate something like this from their dirty tricksters over here. I don’t think right-wingers are responsible for this.”

But the Borough of Islington has been a focus for Right-wing para-military groups in the last year. The National Front’s local paper published a “hit list” of 16 local organisations, one of which was subsequently fire-bombed.

The Islington Law Centre received a threatening letter from a group calling itself the New English Clan for White Rights. It spoke of mugging and rioting and said the recipient’s days were numbered, as were his family’s. “You will soon find out what white revenge is all about.”

In the 1960s, London was becoming the headquarters of the ANC as exiled nationalists fled to Britain. Recently, it has been centred in sympathetic southern African states, and the London office has been devoted to spreading ANC information through Western Europe.

[Nine former South African security policemen admitted to the attack at an amnesty hearing of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission held in Pretoria]

But wait, it gets even better. The following is also from Wikipedia:

The ANC received financial and tactical support from the USSR, which orchestrated military involvement with surrogate Cuban forces through Angola. However, the fall of the USSR after 1991 brought an end to its funding of the ANC and also changed the attitude of some Western governments that had previously supported the Apartheid regime as an ally against communism.

So, to recap! Here we had a terrorist organisation with offices in London being funded and given military backing by Russia and Cuba, whom at that time were the UK’s arch enemies.

All part of the master plan don’t cha know.

Unfortunately, many of you probably don’t, since you are not meant to know.

Instead, what you are meant to believe is that the ANC or to be more specific, MK, was a Black Terrorist group fighting against the injustice of the White Supremacist Apartheid regime.

However, with the freeing of Nelson Mandela in 1990, came the end of Apartheid. This in turn saw MK disbanded and the ANC voted into government. However, far from improving things, the country is still as violent as it ever was with corruption running rife through the corridors of power and white people now leaving the country in droves.

Never the less, that is a different story and for now, I want to concentrate on Heinrich Grosskopf.

Heinrich Johannes Grosskopf – Code name AKINO.

Whether or not the person processing Grosskopf’s NSPCC job application knew that the ANC was a banned Political Party up until the then South African President F W De Klerk unbanned black opposition groups and began dismantling apartheid in February, 1990, is pretty much irrelevant.

However, whether or not that same person knew that Grosskopf was an MK terrorist with a penchant for car bombs is pretty fucking important.

In my opinion, based on common sense, the laws of probability, and the wealth of hard to come by information – that I have spent well over 200 man hours amassing; some of which cost me dear – I sincerely believe that whoever processed Grosskopf’s application most certainly knew about his terrorist activities.

Course, you only need refer back to David Springer’s brief statement to get an inkling of that fact. I will remind you that Springer said the following:

“We carried out full and thorough Criminal Records Bureau (CRB) checks at the time and established that he had no criminal record and wasn’t wanted by any law enforcement agency”

If that were true, then the NSPCC would have known beyond all doubt that Grosskopf was a former Terrorist thus making David Springer’s statement a croc of horse shit.

On the other hand, if Grosskopf wasn’t CRB checked, then I suppose there is a chance that the NSPCC didn’t know that he had a penchant for bombing innocent people – which never the less, still makes David Springers statement a croc of horse shit.

Therefore, whichever way you look at it, the NSPCC’s response to their employment of Grosskopf is a croc of horse shit.

Even so, the absolute latest that the NSPCC would have found out about Grosskopfs terrorist activities would have been in November 2000.

That is because Grosskopf needed time off work in November 2000 to appear before the South African Truth & Reconciliation Commission (TRC) in order to be granted Amnesty for crimes he committed as an MK Guerrilla in the mid to late 1980’s. The following is from Wikipedia

The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was a court-like restorative justice body assembled in South Africa after the abolition of apartheid. Witnesses who were identified as victims of gross human rights violations were invited to give statements about their experiences, and some were selected for public hearings. Perpetrators of violence could also give testimony and request amnesty from both civil and criminal prosecution.

The TRC, the first of the nineteen held internationally to stage public hearings, was seen by many as a crucial component of the transition to full and free democracy in South Africa. Despite some flaws, it is generally (although not universally) thought to have been successful.

Got that?

The TRC was run along the same lines as a court of law; with those who applied for amnesty (Which included people who had worked for the Apartheid government and security forces, as well as the ANC & MK) being legally represented. The Commission also had the authority to refuse amnesty.

The following is from a newspaper report published in December 2000, following Grosskopf’s appearance at the TRC:

Grosskopf, who now resides in the United Kingdom, applied for amnesty in 1996. His application was heard on November 21 2000 in Pretoria. Grosskopf came to South Africa for the hearing and returned immediately afterwards.

“I spoke with Grosskopf on Tuesday when the amnesty was granted. This application has had personal consequences for him. He had difficulty with his employer but now he’s looking forward to getting on with his life,” said Van den Berg.

“The attack perpetrated by the applicant was primarily aimed at a political enemy of the ANC and MK, namely the SADF (South African Defence Force – Spivey) and the apartheid state. Injuries caused to civilians were foreseen but were clearly not the primary objective. There were no fatalities.” – SOURCE

Never the less, Grosskopf wasn’t thrilled about having to return to South Africa (SA) being as it was still too dangerous for him to do so:

Despite the new democratic government having been in power for four years, Grosskopf has not yet made a public appearance in South Africa, because it is believed, for fear that he may be assassinated. – SOURCE

Moreover, Grosskopf could have had Amnesty for his crimes in 1998 but because the TRC had insisted that he attend in person, he didn’t bother. That fact then, is surely an indication of just how dangerous it was for him to set foot back on native soil:

Grosskopf, who lives in London has submitted his application for amnesty but has informed the TRC that he would not appear. His name has been withdrawn from the roll and his application will not proceed unless he appears. Source

And then there is this:

Hein Grosskopf, who has applied for amnesty but failed to appear yesterday, had his application removed from the roll of the present hearings. Grosskopf said in a letter to the commission that he would not be attending the hearings but was willing to answer any questions about the bomb attack on Wits Command in Johannesburg in July 1987. However, as the attack for which he is applying for amnesty involved a gross human rights violation, he must appear before the committee to qualify for amnesty. Source

Indeed, he had almost missed attending the TRC hearings after applying for the second time being as his UK address is such a highly guarded secret that the SA Authorities only managed to locate him shortly before the hearing was set to go ahead:

“In processing the application, the Amnesty Committee experienced considerable difficulty in locating the Applicant. It was only shortly before the date of the amnesty hearing, that the Committee ascertained the whereabouts of the Applicant in the United Kingdom where he has been resident since 1991”. SOURCE

And even then, such was Grosskopf’s fear for his own personal safety; he had once again asked if amnesty could be granted to him in his absence. Safe to say, this request was once again turned down flat by the South African (SA) authorities.

So, having no choice but to head on home to SA, Grosskopf had reluctantly made the trip. However, the SA authorities were also aware of the danger Grosskopf faced by stepping foot back into the country and as such, they provided him no less than five members of the South African Police VIP elite protection Squad – Source: Total Onslaught.

Now, you may have noticed that the NSPCC statement delivered by Dave Springer also states; “However, the South African Government’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission made clear that ANC members were not considered to have committed criminal acts”.

By making such a ridiculous claim, in order to justify Grosskopf’s employment, you get a good indication of just how keen the Charity is to put a stop this scandal.

By them saying: “ANC members were not considered to have committed criminal acts”, smacks of; when is a crime not a crime?

The NSPCC then come up with the answer: When the SA Government says it’s not apparently.

That argument certainly suits the NSPCC, but it certainly doesn’t carry weight with me because it simply is not true. Even more so when the ANC/MK personnel are being forgiven for committing gross acts of violence by an ANC/MK Government.

To explain what I mean by that you could liken the ANC Governments amnesty for crimes perpetrated by MK Terrorists to that of me, as an activist, having hypothetically once given a fella named Psycho Sam the go ahead to kill as many of my government enemies as possible before helping him to escape the country in order to evade arrest.

Then, after leading the Revolution and becoming the King of England, I pick up the phone and give Psycho Sam a tinkle to tell him that he can now come home because the half dozen government figures he killed on my behalf – along with the other half dozen innocent people he killed, who just so happened to be in the wrong place at the wrong time – are all forgiven because I consider the murders to be justified.

But the fact still remains that those murders would not be fucking justified. And neither are the actions and murders committed by the likes of Grosskopf.

The truth is, torture of the extreme kind, rape, and mass murder were daily occurrences carried out by MK operatives.

To learn about some of their atrocities click HERE

Never the less, Grosskopf wasn’t granted amnesty for his crimes until November the 21st 2000. Therefore, that fact must mean that he was still wanted in connection with them when he started work for the NSPCC in June or July of 1999.

And with that in mind, you can only conclude that David Springer was doing a Daily Mail on us, i.e. he was talking bollocks.

Once again, I will remind you of what the NSPCC said:

“We carried out full and thorough Criminal Records Bureau (CRB) checks at the time and established that he had no criminal record and wasn’t wanted by any law enforcement agency”.

That statement is in fact, actually quite laughable being as Grosskopf was actually, once the most wanted man in South Africa. He even had a price on his head of 50,000 Rand which the SA public wanted to increase… “Only 50,000 Rand! That isn’t enough! We will chip in more for his capture”.

Moreover, whoever carried out the CRB check should have uncovered that information and at the very least, made the NSPCC aware of the fact?

That in turn begs the question; ‘why did the NSPCC employ the most wanted man in South Africa’? It just doesn’t make sense.

The following are a selection of extracts from newspapers to substantiate just how desperate the South African Government were to apprehend Grosskopf:

HEINRICH GROSSKOPF, a lanky young Afrikaner with a boyish face and sensitive manner, is known to white South Africans as the country’s most wanted guerrilla. […] The article suggested that Grosskopf’s son Hein (an African National Congress activist who has an Afrikaner right-wing reward of R50 000 placed on his head) was in hiding at a secret address in EnglandSource

He remains a suspect until the contrary is proven in a court and that’s just in his hands to do it,” Gen. Mellet said. Police would not disclose whether they have other issues besides the three listed by mr. Grosskopf investigation SOURCE

The most wanted man in South Africa at the moment is Mr Hein Grosskopf, the Afrikaner son of a university professor and nephew of an appeal-court judge. The police suspect him of carrying out two bomb attacks in the name of the outlawed African National Congress. The most recent of them claimed three lives in the town of Krugersdorp, near johannesburg. Source

 

HEIN Grosskopf matriculated at Linden High School, studied at the University of the Witwatersrand and was the junior mayor of Joburg. In 1988 a reward of R50 000 was offered by the police for information leading to his arrest. At the time, The Sunday Times described him as “SA’s most wanted man” Source

 

Now, in order to be granted amnesty at the TRC, you had to make a full and frank confession of all the crimes you had committed. It would seem that Grosskopf couldn’t even do that though.

You see, on his draft submission to the TRC, our honest social worker only admitted to being responsible for a single Car-bomb at the Witwatersrand headquarters of the South African Defence Force on Quartz Street in 1987.

Then, after apparently taking legal advice, he added to that crime by admitting to creating an arms cache consisting of Limpet Mines, Hand Grenades, and an AK 47 Assault Rifle. At the same time, he also confessed to planning other acts of terrorism in his capacity as an MK commander.

The following is the official transcript outlining the crimes that Grosskopf admitted to and on what basis amnesty was granted. I will remind you that everything in Red is what I have marked as important:

TYPE AMNESTY DECISIONS

NAMES HEINRICH JOHANNES GROSSKOPF

MATTER AM 5917/97

DECISION GRANTED

DECISION

This is an application for amnesty in terms of the provisions of Section 18 of the Promotion of National Unity and Reconciliation Act, No. 34 of 1995 (“the Act”). The original application form which was completed by the Applicant without any legal assistance simply refers to a bomb explosion during 1987.

In processing the application, the Amnesty Committee experienced considerable difficulty in locating the Applicant. It was only shortly before the date of the amnesty hearing, that the Committee ascertained the whereabouts of the Applicant in the United Kingdom where he has been resident since 1991.

In a prompt response to a request by the Committee, Applicant furnished further particulars relating to his application by telefax on 29 September 2000. In terms of these further particulars, the application relates to the following incidents:

1. Bomb attack on Witwatersrand Command Headquarters of the South African Defence Force (“Wits Command”) in Johannesburg on 31 July 1987;

2. Creating a cache of military material in the vicinity of the Emmarentia Dam, Johannesburg on or about 24 July 1987, consisting of the following

2.1 4 x limpet mines with fuses and detonators;

2.2 2 x hand grenades;

2.3 1 x AK47 rifle with ammunition.

3. Non-combat support for sanctioned military operations carried out by operatives of Umkhonto we Sizwe’s Special Operations Unit during or about the period September 1988 until December 1989.

In view of the fact that Applicant was not legally represented when submitting the application for amnesty and given the fact that the request for further particulars was only communicated to the Applicant at a very late stage in the proceedings, we are satisfied that the failure to raise the further incidents at an earlier stage, is not due to any fault on the part of the Applicant. We accordingly approach the application on the basis of the original application form as amplified by the further particulars dated 29 September 2000.

Applicant, who travelled from the United Kingdom for that purpose, testified at the amnesty hearing in support of the application.

Although one of the victims of the bomb explosion attended the hearing, and the interests of all victims of the bomb attack were represented at the hearing by Mr Richard, no evidence was tendered in opposition to the application.

The thrust of Applicant’s testimony is contained in a statement which was handed in at the hearing as exhibit “A”. Applicant’s version can be summarised briefly as follows.

ATTACK ON WITS COMMAND

Applicant was born into an Afrikaner family and was exposed to a wide variety of influences and perspectives due to the fact that their circle of family friends cut across various spectrums of South African society. As a relatively early stage in his life, Applicant became aware of the iniquities and injustices which resulted from the prevailing apartheid political system.

Applicant was exposed for the first time to the African National Congress (“ANC”) in visits overseas during the early 1980’s. This left a deep impression upon the Applicant who realised that he could identify with the policies and principles of the ANC. Applicant’s resistance to the system of apartheid intensified as a student at the University of Witwatersrand during the middle 1980’s.

This eventually culminated in the Applicant leaving South Africa and joining the ANC in Swaziland during January 1986. Applicant later decided to join Umkhonto weSizwe (“MK”), the military wing of the ANC and received military training under the auspices of MK. At the conclusion of his military training, Applicant joined the Special Operations Unit of MK in Lusaka, Zambia. After discussions with the then commanders of the Special Operations Unit, Aboobaker Ismail and Johannes Mnisi, it was decided that Applicant would be deployed as a single operative within the unit.

The effect of this arrangement was that Applicant would be operating on his own and would report directly to the commanders of the Unit. Plans were then made to infiltrate Applicant into South Africa and to this end appropriate targets were selected for attack. One of these targets was the South Africa Defence Force, Witwatersrand Command Headquarters in Johannesburg.

Applicant was furnished with the existing reconnaissance reports in respect of this target which formed the basis of the planning of the attack upon the building. A considerable amount of thought went into the decision to identify the Wits Command as a target for attack. It was accepted that the possibility could not be ruled out that there could be civilian casualties in the attack. The planning of the operation did encompass ways of reducing the possibility of civilian casualties which included the time of the attack, the type of explosives to be used, the particular location of the attack and the like.

After careful consideration of all of the relevant factors, it was decided that the attack would be perpetrated by means of a car bomb. Applicant was eventually infiltrated into South Africa with the necessary material and explosives and ordered to execute the attack. Applicant established a base in the vicinity of Johannesburg and embarked upon the necessary reconnaissance and further detailed planning for purposes of the attack.

Amongst the matters which Applicant had to attend to, was the preparation of the vehicle to be used for the purpose of the car bomb. After having acquired the necessary vehicle, Applicant performed extensive tests in order to ensure that the attack would proceed according to plan. This would include Applicant parking the vehicle shortly before the planned explosion opposite the premises of the Wits Command and engaging the necessary mechanisms to ensure that after Applicant had disembarked, the vehicle would collide with the building immediately prior to the explosion.

To this end, Applicant had to manufacture an appropriate mechanism that would propel the unmanned vehicle after Applicant had parked it opposite the building. After having satisfied himself that everything was in order for executing the attack, Applicant proceeded to the Wits Command building using Quartz Street, which was the quietest of the streets running past by the building.

Just prior to 09h45 on 30 July 1987, Applicant parked the vehicle containing the car bomb in a parking space in Quartz Street opposite the Wits Command building. Applicant engaged the necessary mechanisms to ensure that the vehicle would move on its own and collide with the structure of the building where after the car bomb would detonate. He noticed three sentries on duty on the corners of the building and ensured that he had not attracted their attention before he disembarked from the vehicle and proceeded into a nearby shopping complex in accordance with the preconceived plan. Shortly after having left the vehicle, Applicant heard the engine of the vehicle revving high followed by a loud explosion that shattered all the glass in his immediate vicinity.

He immediately started running away from the point of the explosion joining other people inside the shopping complex doing the same. Some distance away from the shopping complex, Applicant removed certain items of conspicuous clothing which he was wearing as a decoy with the purpose of avoiding being easily identified after the incident. He used pre-arranged transport to immediately travel to Botswana where he contacted his commanders at an agreed rendezvous point.

He eventually travelled to MK military headquarters in Lusaka where he reported back to his superiors and was further debriefed by MK personnel. Applicant subsequently received further military training with a view to being redeployed inside South Africa for further operations.

In view of the fact that his identity was disclosed by the South African Security Forces and political leadership as the person allegedly responsible for a number of armed attacks inside South Africa, the plans for his redeployment were cancelled.

Applicant eventually joined the ANC Repatriation Committee which dealt with arrangements and negotiations for the return of ANC exiles to South Africa. For considerations of personal safety, Applicant did not return to South Africa but instead moved to the United Kingdom where he is still presently resident.

Having carefully considered the matter, we are satisfied that the attack perpetrated by the Applicant was primarily aimed at a political enemy of the ANC and MK at the time, namely the South African Defence Force and by the same token the South African apartheid state. The injuries caused to civilians in the attack, were foreseen but was clearly not the primary objective of the attack.

Although approximately 30 people were injured, there were no fatalities.

In our view, the incident constitutes an act associated with a political objective as envisaged in the Act. We are, moreover, satisfied that the Applicant has made a full disclosure of all relevant facts and that the consequences of the attack are not disproportionate to the objective having been pursued.

We are accordingly satisfied that the application complies with all of the requirements of the Act and Applicant is GRANTED amnesty in respect of all offences and delicts arising from the car bomb explosion in Quartz Street, Johannesburg on or about 30 July 1987.

In our opinion the persons injured in the said bomb explosion are victims for the purposes of the Act and are accordingly referred for consideration in terms of Section 22 of the Act.

ESTABLISHMENT OF ARMS CACHE

Applicant indicated in his testimony that in accordance with his orders, he established an arms cache with the arms, ammunition and explosives not needed for the purposes of the attack on the Wits Command. This was done in the vicinity of the Emmarentia Dam, Johannesburg on or about 24 July 1987. He conveyed the details concerning the arms cache to his superiors in MK upon his return from South Africa.

Having considered the matter, we are satisfied that the establishment of the arms cache was clearly linked to the armed struggle in which the ANC and MK were engaged at the time and as such constitutes an act associated with a political objective as envisaged by the Act.

Accordingly amnesty is hereby GRANTED to Applicant in respect of all offences and delicts arising from his establishment of an arms cache consisting of the items referred to above in the vicinity of the Emmarentia Dam, Johannesburg on or about 24 July 1987.

SUPPORT FOR MILITARY OPERATIONS

Applicant further indicated that after having re-joined the Special Operations Unit in exile subsequent to the Wits Command attack, he participated in the activities of its command structure. This entailed furnishing the necessary support for combat units ordered to carry out military operations inside South Africa. These units were thus enabled to continue prosecuting the armed struggle against the South African authorities.

Applicant was a member of this command collective during or about the period September 1988 until December 1989. He is understandably unable to specify the attacks actually perpetrated by MK units as a result of the general support supplied by the command collective.

Having considered the matter, we are satisfied that Applicant’s participation in the support furnished to MK units by the Special Operations Command contributed to attacks eventually carried out by these operatives. As such, Applicant would in our view have incurred legal liability for any of these attacks. We are also satisfied that Applicant’s actions in this regard constitute acts associated with a political objective as envisaged by the Act.

Accordingly amnesty is GRANTED to Applicant in respect of all offences and delicts arising from his activities as a member of the command collective of the Special Operations Unit of MK in furnishing the necessary support to operatives of MK carrying out military operations inside South Africa during or about the period September 1988 until December 1989.

DATED AT CAPE TOWN THIS

: DAY OF

: 2000

JUDGE DENZIL POTGIETER

ADV F BOSMAN

ADV N SANDI

SOURCE

Got that?

You can also – if you so wish – read the Chicago Tribune’s report on the bomb blast, which carried the headline Johannesburg Rocked by Car Bomb, 70 Hurt and which was printed before anyone had been accused of being responsible by clicking HERE

The following is taken from the book ‘Total Onslaught’ and describes the Witwatersrand bombing from one of Grosskopf’s victims perspective.

 

However, I will once again, remind you that the aforementioned TRC report was the OFFICIAL TRANSCRIPTof the proceedings – as opposed to the newspaper and book report.

“Why is that so important Chris”?

It is important for many, many reasons not least because I believe that Grosskopf was responsible for at least seven murders and hundreds of casualties as opposed to the thirty injuries that he confessed to at the TRC hearings.

Furthermore, I believe that the TRC also know that.

You see, following the last of the TRC hearings, an account of the entire proceedings was released by the South African government in what amounted to six volumes worth of information.

The information on Grosskopf’s crimes can be found in paragraphs 32 and 34 on page 332 in the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report, Volume 2, which states at number 32:

  • In July 1987, a bomb exploded at the Wits Command, killing one person and injuring sixty-eight military personnel and civilians. Ms Johanna Aleta Klaasen [EC2651/97] submitted a statement in respect of injuries sustained in the explosion. Mr Heinrich Johannes Grosskopf [AM5917/97], Mr Aboobaker Ismail [AM7109/97], Mr Joseph Mnisi [AM4364/97] and Mr Colin Mike de Souza applied for amnesty for their roles.

And then further states at number 34:

  • In another incident on 17 March 1988, a car bomb exploded at the Krugersdrop magistrate’s court adjacent to the local police station, killing two SADF personnel and a civilian. Twenty other people were injured. Mr Hein Grosskopf was tried and convicted for the incident. Mr Mohammed Ichbahl (Iqbal) Shaik [AM7151/97] who, together with Mr Aboobaker Ismail, applied for amnesty for the incident, testified at his amnesty hearing that he set up two bombs, the first to serve as a decoy and the second directed at security force personnel but, “unfortunately the decoy failed to explode, due to some malfunction” SOURCE

 

So, what I want to know is why did the official report now have the body count as 1 dead and 68 injured for the Witwatersrand bomb carried out by Grosskopf, when at the time of the actual hearing it was categorically stated thatapproximately 30 people were injured, there were no fatalities”

But it gets even better than that. You will notice that also granted amnesty for the Witwatersrand bomb was Mr Aboobaker Ismail [AM7109/97], Mr Joseph Mnisi [AM4364/97] and Mr Colin Mike de Souza.

Now, according to official government documents, those three men were granted amnesty by the TRC on the 16th of January 2000 for the planning of the Wits command bombing, which as I’m sure you have worked out was a whole 10 months before Grosskopf was granted amnesty for actually doing the deed.

Now, the thing is, the aforementioned trio’s hearing on the Jan 16th differed from Grosskopf’s on Nov 21st , in so much as the names of the victims were read out – which is another anomaly in its self. Never the less, the following is a copy and paste of that list:

10. Attack on Wits Command (30 July 1987)

B.A. Neville, J.S. Dube, M. Friedman, R.W. Ward, R.D. Ducroq, V.A. Nel, S. H. Wessels, G.B. Coppin, M.M. Gouws, L. Diale, W.N.H. Kwape, S.C. Micallef, E.B. Goldberg, L.M. Petvella, L.G.R. Da Silva, A. Maphudla, F.M.F. Comacho, M.N. Mans, F. Amod, A.T. Fynn, R. van Jaarsveld Opperman, S. Odler, T. Sayed, Z. Lahner, J.M. Richardson, S.M.L. O’Reilly, M.G.P. Claase, D. Swanepoel, M. Ellis, R.A.C. Roebeck, F.J. Barnard, K.M. Moeketsi, T.L. Mosese, E.K. Seemela, A. Mokoena, P. Dumane, A. Kinnear, P.D. Wilson, L.T. Mokoena, D.G. Chin, G.W. Tshabalala, J.A. Viljoen, W.P. du Plessis, as well as the persons who were killed and the others who were injured, whose names are not known. SOURCE

Notice that it says PERSONS who were killed as opposed to PERSON. Yet,ten short months later Grosskopf admitted carrying out the act to which the judge saidAlthough approximately 30 people were injured, there were no fatalities”.

I will also remind you once again; that the TRC hearings were later written up into 6 volumes, which put the human toll for the Wits command bomb as killing one person and injuring sixty-eight military personnel and civilians.

It just does not make sense does it?

In fact, whichever way you look at it, the evidence points to Grosskopf being granted amnesty under false pretences. And that fact is regardless of whether or not he would still have been granted amnesty – no matter what the body count was.

However, I shall return to this matter in due course.

As for the bomb at the Krugersdrop magistrate’s court, which according to volume 2 of the TRC report, Grosskopf was tried and convicted for; you would be entitled to ask why wasn’t the question of this second bombingon 17 March 1988 dealt with at Grosskopf’s TRC hearing?

Well actually, it was… Sort of.

You see, Grosskopf was asked about the Krugersdrop Magistrates Court bomb by the TRC – to which he denied being involved. Various other Terrorists appearing at the TRC also backed his claim.

Never the less, there was no mention at the hearing of Grosskopf being ‘Tried and Convicted’ for the bombing… How very strange.

Therefore, I can only assume that he was tried and convicted in his absence. This would appear to be backed up by a newspaper report which states:

He led that Hein would have to tell what events/incidents/happenings he was involved in during the previous regime. He pointed out that the TRC’s report said Hein was found guilty in a court of certain actions – that were untrue.

In 1994, Hein Grosskopf was offered/received amnesty from Pres. Nelson Mandela for the bombing. He chose not to accept it. Initially, he was connected with two bombings – one in 1987 at the Johannesburg Magistrate’s Court in which four people died and the other at the Krugersdorp Magistrate’s Court in 1988 in which three people died

… Mrs. Santie Grosskopf, Grosskopf’s mother, then became involved in an intense correspondence with Vlok (South African Police Minister – Spivey) in which she demanded a public apology because her son had been “charged, tried and convicted” as an ANC terrorist.

Police then offered a reward of R50 000 for information that would lead to his arrest.

Eugene de Kock, the former Vlakplaas commander, later revealed that “sometime in the late 80s” he received instructions/orders to break into the home of Grosskopf’s parents. The order came after the objections of Grosskopf’s parents to Vlok’s allegations.

There is however, plenty of evidence to suggest that not only was Grosskopf involved in that Krugersdrop Magistrates Court bombing and the Wits Command car bomb, he was also involved in another one too. The following is an extract from the Chicago Tribune:

Since March, for example, police have been hunting Heinrich Grosskopf, 26, the son of a top Afrikaner newspaper editor. Grosskopf is accused of directing two major car bombings, including one in which three policemen were killed. Chicago Tribune

Then there is this extract taken from the Beeld Newspaper which was published in late November 2000:

Her son’s amnesty hearing was “the last hurdle” the family had to overcome to close this chapter in their lives, said Hein Grosskopf’s mother, Santie Grosskopf. On Tuesday he requested amnesty for the bomb which exploded at the Wits Command in July 1987.

Mrs Grosskopf and the then Minister of Police Adriaan Vlok were involved in a sensational debate shortly after the bomb. Vlok publicly accused her son of three bomb attacks – the one at Wits Command, one at the Johannesburg magistrates’ court and another at the Kurgersdorp magistrates’ court.

There is also this from Reuters:

A white South African accused of involvement in an anti-apartheid bomb attack on an army base in which 29 people were wounded can return to South Africa without fear of prosecution under a presidential ruling issued on Friday.

Hein Grosskopf fled South Africa in 1988 as police closed in on him over his alleged role in the Johannesburg bombing and two others in 1987 and 1988 in which seven people were killed. Grosskopf, who initially fled to Zambia, lives in England.

He was a member of the African National Congress (ANC) which was the main group carrying out bombings against white apartheid rulers in the 1980s.

Police said the ANC was behind the July 30, 1987 bomb attack outside the South African army’s provincial command in Quartz street, Johannesburg. Twenty-nine people, mostly civilians, were wounded. An arrest warrant was issued for Grosskopf.

The indemnity, granted by President Nelson Mandela and published in a government gazette, fell under a parliamentary act which indemnifies people from prosecution for political crimes committed during the apartheid era.

I feel that I should just butt in here to clarify this point. Indemnity is not the same as Amnesty as is evidenced in the two following passages:

1991 – Hein Grosskopf, at one stage South Africa’s most wanted man and now an ANC official in Lusaka, rejects a government offer of limited indemnity.

http://www.e-tools.co.za/newsbrief/1997/news0325

1991 – The government indemnifies ANC members Ronnie Kasrils and Hein Grosskopf from prosecution but the two remain wanted.

http://www.e-tools.co.za/newsbrief/1995/news032

Got that? “but the two remain wanted”. Take note NSPCC.

Ok, let’s carry on with the available evidence:

Grosskopf’s father, a retired university professor, said he was delighted.

“It is very good news for me and my wife. Now we can put this whole unpleasant episode behind us,” Johannes Grosskopf said, when contacted at his home in Stellenbosch. Source

And this:

CAR BOMB KILLS THREE, POLICE BLAME WHITE ANC GUERRILLA

March 17, 1988 7:18 PM ET

A car bomb blew up outside a courthouse and police station Thursday, killing three blacks and wounding 20 people. Officials blamed a white member of a mostly black guerrilla group.

The injured included 17 whites, among them a critically injured 15-month- old infant, and three blacks.

Law and Order Minister Adriaan Vlok said police believed that Heinrich Grosskopf, 24, said to be a member of the outlawed African National Congress, planned the bombing in the city of Krugersdorp.

Grosskopf’s father is a journalism professor at the University of Stellenbosch and a former editor of Beeld, a pro-government daily newspaper.

Vlok described Grosskopf as a ”highly trained terrorist” who received guerrilla instruction abroad. Vlok blamed him for another car bombing last July outside army headquarters in Johannesburg which injured 68 people.

Authorities said a police warrant officer, a mortuary worker and an unidentified man were killed in Krugersdorp.

The blast came one day before the scheduled hangings of six blacks, known as the ”Sharpeville Six,” who were convicted of complicity in a 1984 mob killing during anti-apartheid riots. On Thursday afternoon, a judge in Pretoria granted a four-week stay of execution.

The six were detained in Krugersdrop for a brief period between their arrest in 1984 and the start of  their trial in 1985.

Capt. Reg Crewe, a police spokesman, said the explosion at 8:30 a.m. destroyed three cars parked outside the court building. He said the blast was caused by a 55-pound bomb in the trunk of one of the cars.

Later, police said they found two limpet mines in a courthouse toilet and removed them safely.

Besides Grosskopf, police said they were searching for six blacks seen in two vehicles near the scene of the bombing.

The blast extensively damaged the courthouse and adjoining police station in Krugersdorp, a farm and commercial centre 20 miles northwest of Johannesburg. Adjoining buildings were also damaged and windows shattered up to four blocks away.

In May 1987, a bomb outside magistrate’s court in Johannesburg killed four white policemen and injured 14 people.

More than 70 bombings have hit South Africa since a national state of emergency was imposed June 12, 1986. The government blamed most of them on the African National Congress, the main guerrilla group fighting to end white control here.

By law and custom, apartheid establishes a racially segregated society in which the 26 million blacks have no vote in national affairs. The 5 million whites control the economy and maintain separate districts, schools, and health services.

And this:

Justice has been meted out in the Magistrates’ Courts in the centre of Johannesburg for more than half a century and she still wields a mighty sword from the venerable building.

TWENTY years ago, two car bombs went off outside the Johannesburg Magistrates’ Courts. Three policemen died and 15 were injured. On 20 May 1987, a decoy blast drew policemen from the then John Vorster Square (now the Central Police Station), six or seven blocks away. The second, more powerful blast killed three of those policemen.

The scene outside the Magistrates’ Courts was typical of the aftermath of blasts: debris was strewn across the road; the front sections of half a dozen cars were dented and distorted as if a giant had reached down and smashed them with a fist; windows were blasted out. Inside, the front office was strewn with glass and there was a hole in the ceiling. Dazed people wandered around.

These were the 11th and 12th bomb blasts in Johannesburg that year. Some of the others were at the Sanlam Centre in Eloff Street, in Sandton, at the Civic Centre, at Cosatu House and at the Carlton Centre.

Twenty-four-year-old Hein Grosskopf, a member of the ANC’s Umkhonto we Sizwe armed wing, was responsible for planting the bombs. He also planted bombs outside the Krugersdorp Magistrates’ Courts and the Witwatersrand Command in Quartz Street. Two military personnel died in the Krugersdorp blast.

Bomb blasts escalated through the 1980s and by 1988, 281 blasts were recorded across the country – Joburg and South Africa were very different places in the 1980s.

HEIN Grosskopf matriculated at Linden High School studied at the University of the Witwatersrand and was the junior mayor of Joburg. In 1988 a reward of R50 000 was offered by the police for information leading to his arrest. At the time, The Sunday Times described him as “SA’s most wanted man”.

Grosskopf was tried and convicted. He applied to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission for amnesty, but it is uncertain whether he got it. He appeared in 1988 at the Five Freedoms Forum meeting – a group of business and political leaders who held meetings with the ANC in exile – in Lusaka. His whereabouts today are unknown. SOURCE

So, given all of the above evidence implicating Grosskopf in other bombings besides the one he admitted to at the Wits Command HQ; do you really believe that he was guilty of  just the one?

I mean, fair enough he denied being involved in any other bombings at his TRC hearing, but then again, I think we have already established that he is a fucking liar.

The fact that he was no doubt lying to the TRC would also explain why, on July 31, 1989 the Christian Science Monitor quoted Grosskopf as saying:

From his new home at the exiled ANC headquarters, Grosskopf is not prepared to discuss the details of the bombings or whether he was involved in them.

But the soft-spoken Afrikaner revolutionary is proud of his position as a “political soldier” in the ANC’s military wing and he defends violence and killing as necessary to hasten just order in South Africa.

“If I choose out of distress to kill you because of who and what you are, that is murder,” he said.

“But if, out of distress, I decide to kill you because you are an obstacle to peace, a danger to the community, that is not murder,’‘ he said.

He said he had been influenced by the writings of jailed ANC leader Nelson Mandela and by reading the Freedom Charter, the ANC’s socialist treatise for a non-racial South Africa.

But if he returned to his fatherland, he would be arrested and almost certainly charged with treason and murderSOURCE

Now, if you cast your mind back to the original transcript of the TRC hearing, you will remember that Grosskopf was given amnesty for detonating the one car bomb at the Witwatersrand SADF Headquarters where the tribunal heard that there had been no fatalities.

Bearing in mind that he was with the ANC/MK from 1986-1989 (Although it was in fact a lot, lot longer) are we suppose to believe that his reputation that took him to the highest ranks within the MK was built on one single car-bombing, that by his own admission didn’t go to plan and didn’t actually kill anyone?

I don’t believe it for a minute to be quite honest. You only have to read the following report, which makes a mockery of Grosskopfs ‘full and frank’ admission of his crimes, to know that the man is full of shit:

STILL LIVING ABROAD . . . Hein Grosskopf who hasn’t returned to South Africa, apparently for fear of assassination.

Helene Pastoors and Hein Grosskopf, were just some of members of MK’s Special Operations Unit most wanted by the former government for 13 major acts of sabotage.

DES BLOW reports.

FORMER UMKHONTO We Sizwe members responsible for 13 major acts of sabotage in South Africa during the liberation struggle that cost more than 20 a score of lives and injured some 250 others people will apply to the TRC for amnesty tomorrow.

All were members of the Special Operations Unit of MK and include some of the most wanted black, Indian and white people in the old South Africa.

Included is rebel Afrikaner Hein Grosskopf, who was named public enemy number one by the apartheid regime after a car bomb exploded outside Wits Command in Johannesburg on July 30, 1987 killing one soldier and injuring 68 other people.

Despite the new democratic government having been in power for four years, Grosskopf has not yet made a public appearance in South Africa, because it is believed, for fear that he may be assassinated.

However, he will have to appear before the TRC in Pretoria together with his unit commander Johannes Molefi; Aboobaker Ismail, who as overall commander of Special Operations and has applied for amnesty for all Special Operations activities; and Colin Mark de Souzo, who did reconnaissance work for the attack on Wits Command when a bomb was allegedly placed in a vehicle at the corner of Quartz and De Villiers Streets by Grosskopf. Source

See what I mean?

Yet, one bombing formed the basis on which he was granted amnesty (as well as the arms cache and planning attacks).

Moreover, much was made of the fact that nobody was killed in that bomb attack, despite all the evidence to the contrary.

So, why didn’t Grosskopf put them right on that fact when unburdening himself of his crimes?

After all, he certainly knew that he was a murderer, yet he was happy to go along with the TRC submission that he hadn’t killed anyone.

I think it is therefore safe to say that Grosskopf is a born liar. He cannot even use the defence that he wasn’t aware that he had killed anyone. After all, if that was the case he wouldn’t have answered in the following way, when asked in October 1993 how many people he had killed in an interview with ‘Work in Progress’ Magazine:

“I cannot at this stage be drawn into any definite statements. Any answer I give would endanger me/other people”.

Click on the ‘Work in Progress’ magazine link, if ya like. It is there on page 6, in Black and White.

It is an extremely strange answer to give for a person who has not supposedly killed anyone. For instance, if as the TRC said, he hadn’t killed anyone, why didn’t he just say to the magazine that he hadn’t?

It just does not make sense. And, why did he answer by saying “Any answer I give would endanger me/other people”?

For that answer to make any sense at all, he must have killed someone.

In any case, by 1993 he was already that shit scared of assassination that he was hiding out in England, far too afraid to return to South Africa.

Could it be that he knew that he would be given amnesty before he even boarded the plane, and that is why he treated the TRC hearing as a joke?

I have already dealt with Grosskopf’s conduct at the TRC hearings, but I will remind you that the 17 year old girl he blinded in that Witwatersrand bombing said that he treated the hearing “like it was a joke” and showed no remorse for his crimes what so ever.

 

Course, as you might expect, the TRC hearings were extremely biased in favour of the ANC/MK, whereas those working for the apartheid regime were given a much rougher ride. The following passage is testament to that fact:

In the late 1990s he was a researcher for the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in South Africa, which looked mainly into the multiple abuses by the apartheid regime but was notably less keen to examine human-rights violations committed by the ANC against its own people during its exile, especially in its guerrilla camps in Angola, Tanzania, Uganda and Zambia. Source

Okay, I think that at this point, I will tell you that I am almost positive that Grosskopf wasn’t working solely for MK.

I do in fact, truly believe that he was also working for MI6 and very probably, the West German BND and possibly the Russian KGB & East German Stasi too.

On the other hand, some think that he was actually working for the Apartheid governments Intelligence Services.

This too would make sense, all the more so, when you take into account Grosskopf’s privileged childhood.

 

Then again, he could conceivably have been working for all of them. After all, no one is denying that Grosskopf is anything else other than highly intelligent.

Never the less, I still stick to my belief that he was working for MI6.

Course, this MI6 theory is only my opinion and not a fact, but it will hopefully become clear to you why I believe this to be true as we go along.

However, if I am indeed correct about Grosskopf working for the British Military Intelligence, it would explain the following – all of which are FACT:

  • CRB checks on Grosskopf either came back clean (As the NSPCC claim), which given the above info and the info still to come, I find impossible to believe. Or they didn’t come back clean, but the NSPCC employed him anyway. Or, Grosskopf simply wasn’t CRB checked, making the NSPCC as bigger liars as our intrepid social worker is.
  • Grosskopf was promoted from being an NSPCC Child Protection Officer to becoming the Manager of the NSPCC’s Acorn centre in 2003, despite the facts that by then there can be no doubt whatsoever that the NSPCC knew about his terrorist activities. This promotion was also given despite the murderer’s clear inexperience and lack of knowledge in regard to social work
  • It would also explain why those at the very, very top of the NSPCC hierarchy including Dame Mary Marsh (Director & Chief Executive) and Sir Christopher Kelly (Chairman) refuse to get involved when they were made aware of Grosskopf’s past – in the unlikely event that they didn’t know prior to that.
  • It would explain why neither the press nor the many MP’s contacted by me and many others on this matter have not wanted to get involved with the story.
  • It would also explain why TWO investigations into Grosskopf’s employment were carried out, both of which allowed him to continue working for the NSPCC – the first investigation was flawed, the second one inexplicably dropped (after a major investigation), a week before the hearing(I shall deal with both in due course)
  • It would explain why Grosskopf was fraudulently REGISTERED as a Social Worker despite having dubious qualifications – done with the full co-operation of the General Social Care Council – whom to this day, continue to re-register him every couple of years.
  • It would explain why Two Senior Managers, involved in Grosskopf’s fraudulent registration as well as being involve in both investigations, were allowed to get away with bullying and intimidating three highly qualified members of staff – with the full knowledge of the NSPCC Hierarchy.
  • It would explain why Two National Newspapers and the BBC’s Panorama team were going to run the story but all three pulled out due to what a Panorama researcher termed as “influence”.
  • It would explain why the NSPCC issued an order that anyone speaking to the media about Grosskopf would be deemed as bringing the organisation into dispute and by doing so would result in their instant dismissal.
  • It would explain why the NSPCC Management refused to see the irony in telling the three Whistle-blowers that by discussing the Grosskopf situation with anyone would mean that they were putting his life in danger. After all, does it not follow that; if Grosskopfs life is in danger, then the Staff and Children at the Acorn centre were also at risk.
  • It would explain why the NSPCC did not deem employing a mass murderer as bringing the Charity into disrepute, but employees talking about it did.
  • It would explain why the Police consistently refused to act, even after Grosskopf was found in possession of timer switches (You will note that Grosskopf used timer switches on the bomb he detonated at Witwatersrand SADF Headquarters).

Moreover, the case for Grosskopf being a spy becomes even more plausible when you learn that his hero, Nelson Mandela was also working for MI6:

NELSON Mandela is to be named as an MI6 agent who aided British intelligence officers with operations against Colonel Gadaffi’s Libyan weapons programmes, supplied his handlers with details of arms shipments to Ulster terrorists and allowed UK spying operations to be based in South Africa.

Allegations of Mandela’s recruitment by the British intelligence service will be revealed in a controversial new book, MI6: Fifty Years of Special Operations, by the acclaimed intelligence expert Stephen Dorril. The book is due to be published at the end of this month.

MI6 launched an unsuccessful legal challenge to get the book’s publisher, Fourth Estate, to release its contents. Special Branch officers also raided the London publishing house and seized computer equipment, but did not unearth details of Mandela’s recruitment by MI6.- SOURCE

Now, it is quite fair to say that our caring, harmless, common, or garden, run of the mill, car-bombing Social Worker is somewhat of an enigma. In fact, there is surprisingly very little information freely available on the man who was once public enemy number one. There is however, a wealth of hidden evidence. Now why would that be?

The fact that Grosskopf had plenty to hide had certainly become apparent very quickly to the three whistle blowers at the NSPCC. All three said in their witness statements that Grosskopf would ‘visibly clam up’ when asked about anything that wasn’t to do with work… Errr… Rather like most secret agents really.

Never the less, despite the lack of freely available information on Grosskopf, it would seem that in 1986, at the age of 23, our man of mystery upped sticks, and took himself off to Swaziland to join the ANC.

In doing so, he appears to have abandoned his young wife. The following is from a South African newspaper which was published in Afrikaans. Luckily, my friend Caroline Hurry is a SA Journalist and Travel Writer and very kindly translated it for me:

“Much was made of the fact that the young man supposedly responsible for the Krugersdorp attack was white and from a prominent African family. He was named as Heinrich Grosskopf, 24, son of Professor H J Grosskopf, formerly editor of the Afrikaans morning paper Beeld and journalism lecturer at the University of Stellenbosch. Grosskopf’s grandfather was a famous African writer.

The young man had vanished a few years before, leaving behind a young wife, a graduate of the University of the Witwatersrand in Johannesburg. He was known as intelligent, quiet, and polite. The police believed that apart from yesterday’s attack, he was also responsible for the bombing at the headquarters of the army in Johannesburg last year. In that attack, nearly 70 people were injured.

According to police, after the explosion, Grosskopf fled Johannesburg for neighbouring Swaziland. It is not known why or how the police concluded that Grosskopf was responsible for both attacks.

According to the (then) minister of police, Adriaan Vlok, Grosskopf took part in terrorist training abroad. He was, according to Vlok, a staunch supporter of the banned ANC in South Africa. A reward of 50,000 rand had been offered for his arrest”.

Never the less, despite the fact that Grosskopf buggered off, leaving his young bride behind, he had been readily accepted by the African National Congress. He was then apparently, just as quickly invited to join MK, who were fighting a terror campaign against the exact same type of people as his family… Hmmm.

Straight away, I find it hard to believe that an “intelligent, quiet, and polite” young, white South African male would want to leave his home comforts in favour of becoming a mass murderer.

I find it even harder to believe that the –by all accounts – slightly ‘nerdy’ White boy would be so readily accepted into a Black Terrorist organisation. Even more so when you take into consideration Grosskopf’s posh upbringing and the fact that his father had been the founding editor of a pro-government national newspaper… But then again, what do I know.

True, MK did recruit White people since they tended to fall under less suspicion than the Black South Africans, but even then, the White MK operatives tended to be well up in the hierarchy.

Indeed, in the end Grosskopf did become a member of MK’s hierarchy, but from joining the ANC to moving on to MK, he seems to have become very trusted, very quickly. This fact is backed up in the following extract taken from the American Newspaper, the Chicago Tribune:

Police say the organization`s use of whites could significantly expand the group`s ability to carry out operations in white areas.

“Until recently, whites tended to be located high up in the ANC`s command structure,” said Tom Lodge, an expert on the group who is at the University of the Witwatersrand in Johannesburg. He noted that whites like South African Communist Party leader Joe Slovo, former chief of staff of the military wing, have been active in the group since 1961, when the movement went underground.

“What is striking in the last few years is their appearance in combat roles,” he said.

Since March, for example, police have been hunting Heinrich Grosskopf, 26, the son of a top Afrikaner newspaper editor. Grosskopf is accused of directing two major car bombings, including one in which three policemen were killed.Chicago Tribune

Now, as I said earlier, Grosskopf left South Africa to join the ANC in Swaziland sometime in January 1986. This is what he told the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC):

“Once I’d decided to join MK, I knew that as a White Afrikaner I could offer the armed struggle something that few other recruits could. The ability to move freely in a racist society where both my skin and my language would offer protection and greater operational opportunities.”

 “From around May to October 1986 I underwent military training in Angola at Pango Camp. Training included instruction in firearms, military engineering and sabotage, politics and political history, tactics and military and combat work which entailed the politics, organisation and tactics of underground struggle.” Source

What Grosskopf neglects to mention there, is that training isn’t the only thing that they learned in the Angolan training camps. The following is taken from the book, ‘External Mission’- The ANC In Exile, 1960-1990, By Stephen Ellis:

The East German communist party was called in to the Angolan camps to provide an intensified training programme. After which, they stewed in their own juice, when their only interest was to go home and liberate their country. Small wonder the warriors were rebellious. There were reports of shoot-outs, arson attacks, allegations of mass poisoning; or as viewed by the camp commanders, ‘hostile elements’ were ‘causing unrest’ and ‘spreading rumours’, were even working for BOSS in Pretoria. The perpetrators, real or imagined, were imprisoned, tortured, executed. The purges were carried out by men trained à la Stasi.

In Zambia, senior ANC and communist officials complained of corruption by cadres who had forgotten the reason for their exile. They were running a lucrative racket smuggling cars from South Africa, and in return ‘exporting’ mandrax back to the Republic, where it was banned.

Hmmmm!

And, since Grosskopf states that he started military training for MK in May 1986, he can’t have been in the ANC for any more than 4 months. However, I find myself questioning whether it was just as easy as that, or was there more to it.

You see, in 1982 before saying “Tonight Mathew, I’m going to be Rambo”, Grosskopf had spent time in both the UK and America. He then returned to South Africa and spent a year at Witwatersrand University. From there he spent a year working as a management trainee (very vague) for BP Oil in Johannesburg, after which he left to become Rambo… Like ya do.

Furthermore, you would have thought that Grosskopf’s new career would have gone down like a lead balloon with his extremely well to do family. Yet that doesn’t seem to be the case at all.

In fact, strange as it may seem, Grosskopf’s father, Professor Johannes Grosskopf – the former founding Editor of South Africa’s best known daily newspaper Beeld – and Hein’s Mother, Santie, a famous South African author, have never publicly criticised or denounced their wayward son.

Quite the opposite is true in fact. Both have been supportive of him. For instance, in the late 1980’s Grosskopfs parents became embroiled in a very public row with South Africa’s then Minister of Police, Adriaan Vlok.

In 1988, Vlok had publicly stated that Grosskopf was responsible for three car bombings all within the last year. The following is from a newspaper report at the time:

“He remains a suspect until the contrary is proven in a court and that’s just in his hands to do it,” Gen. Mellet said. Police would not disclose whether they have other issues besides the three listed by mr. Grosskopf investigation SOURCE

And this one:

HEINRICH GROSSKOPF, a lanky young Afrikaner with a boyish face and sensitive manner, is known to white South Africans as the country’s most wanted guerrilla. At the height of a spate of urban bombings in late 1987, Mr. Grosskopf, who comes from a leading Dutch-descended Afrikaner family, was blamed by police for two of the bombings in which at least three people were killed.

Grosskopf spoke openly about his past and his upbringing in a relatively liberal Afrikaner home. His father, Professor H.J. Grosskopf, is a former newspaper editor and head of the department of journalism at Stellenbosh University near Cape Town. His grandfather was an eminent Afrikaner writer.

But it is his mother, Santie Grosskopf, for whom Grosskopf reserves special words of praise and respect.

Following widely publicized police accusations that Grosskopf was responsible for urban bombings that killed civilians, Mrs. Grosskopf exchanged angry letters with Law and Order Minister Adriaan Vlok. She challenged Mr. Vlok to provide evidence to support his claimsSource

Then there was this row between Grosskopf’s father and another newspaper editor that was so fierce and public that it was even picked up on by other newspapers:

An article published by Rapport has sparked a fierce row between two leading Afrikaners,

MOST readers who take umbrage against an article which appears in a newspaper will write one letter to the editor and leave it at that.

But an unusual row has developed at Rapport between its editor, Izak de Villiers, and its former deputy editor, Professor Hein (HJ) Grosskopf. Grosskopf has written a spate of letters to the editor, the manager, the managing director, the editorial staff and members of the board in protest against an article which appeared in Rapport on October 6.

The article suggested that Grosskopf’s son Hein (an African National Congress activist who has an Afrikaner right-wing reward of R50 000 placed on his head) was in hiding at a secret address in England.

This lead story of Hein junior “confirmed” he was in hiding by stating that his address and telephone number did not appear in any of the British telephone directories. For his father, this article was one of the worst written about his son, and his vitriolic letters demanded De Villiers’s resignation.

The first letter (in Afrikaans) was sent to Rapport’s general manager, Fanie Jordaan, and began: “Are you also nauseated by Izak’s hypocrisy?” According to Grosskopf, De Villiers’s hypocrisy was clearly evident in his latest footnote which responded to a reader’s letter of complaint at De Villiers’s renewed attempts to sensationalise his campaign against Hein junior.

“His defence was that the misleading, trashy article was based on the fact that Hein did not make his address generally known – while the pitiful Izak himself hides behind a secret address and secret telephone number!” writes Grosskopf.

Pausing there for a moment just to clarify a couple of points.

  • Grosskopf Snr is trying to insinuate that his son’s address in England is secret for no other reason than he is a private person. He then tries to reinforce this ‘fact’ by pointing out that Rapports editor also avoids publishing his address. However, given all the evidence, there can be no doubt that Grosskopf junior’s address was a closely guarded secret – for no other reason than to stop him being assassinated.
  • This secrecy over his address in England was still being enforced when Grosskopf attended the TRC amnesty hearings in November 2000 (while in the employ of the NSPCC). It is in fact clearly stated on all the official reports that his address was blacked out.
  • The secrecy of his whereabouts is still enforced to this very day.

Right, back to the report:

The second letter, also addressed to Jordaan, called on De Villiers to resign and sarcastically suggests that he is the man Afrikaners have been waiting for to rescue their culture.

Grosskopf writes that the need is so great among Afrikaners that they urgently want Rapport’s management to pension off De Villiers so that he can begin this task.

“Just think of the wonderful cultural leadership he had already provided, like the loan of R100 000 to the Wit Wolf so that he could tell his old story again why he killed so many kaffirs. And the breathless way he tells us exclusively that a third-rate actor has for the umpteenth time made an unmarried girl pregnant. That’s culture!”

Grosskopf’s next letter was addressed to the news editor and written as a news article. He suggests that it be used in the next edition with the headline “Exclusive: Rapport’s Izak located! The truth about his new face! His luxury hideout exposed!”

The “article” says De Villiers’s fan club, mesmerised by his colourful use of language, looked in vain for his telephone number in the Rand directory. His “lackeys” refusing to give them his address.

It continues with details of De Villiers’s cosmetic surgery to change his appearance in preparation for his new role as leader of the Afrikaners and his cruise around the world.

“Attempts to get comment from him failed constantly because his home and movements remain a secret,” writes Grosskopf. “It is naturally his right to keep his home a secret, but it creates opportunities for elements to gossip that there are shady reasons for this unusual situation.”

In his next letter to De Villiers, Grosskopf says he has written so lightheartedly because he wants to show De Villiers how he is making a fool of himself with his “hoernalistiek” about his son.

“It will surprise you how many journalists phoned us to say this was the most synthetic sensationalism they have ever encountered.”

“But now it has gotten serious, and this fax has only one aim: to persuade you to take the honourable route in the interests of Rapport.”

Grosskopf’s next fax is addressed to the editorial staff of Rapport, after De Villiers failed to persuade him to stop his flow of letters. He says the “smear article” about his son was not whispered confidentially but “blurted out” to all the newspaper’s readers.

“You did not answer my charge of hypocrisy: that you are hiding away at a secret address which is not generally advertised,” writes Grosskopf. “It is great that you are no longer going to place articles which have as its source a nameless gossiper.

“But, I accept your apology for the pain your articles have caused myself and my wife. It is strange that a former priest’s [De Villiers] sensitivity for how a father feels if his wife and child is defamed, can only develop when his own wife and children land up in the crossfire.”

The last letter in the Mail & Guardian’s possession dated October 31 and ended with “continues”, is even more vitriolic than the previous ones. Grosskopf’s olive branch is withdrawn and he quotes Oliver Cromwell who told Parliament, “Depart, I say, and let us have done with you. In the name of God, go!”

His blood pressure seemingly rose again when he discovered the tactics Rapport had used to get its story.

“How do you feel about the fact that your agent is harassing a 78-year-old widow. That’s not how your mother raised you. I believe you condemn this, but still, you remain the editor of a paper where such things happen.”

Grosskopf complains bitterly about the fact that a Rapport “agent” had camped for three days on a London pavement to get photographs of his five-year-old granddaughter.

“That’s obscene, and it’s all happening while you are safely hiding away in your secret shelter. Can I tell you how your brave warriors found my son? “His mother-in-law, a 78-year-old retired lecturer, was constantly pestered at her home by one of your agents, who also harassed her neighbours. If your hero, Adriaan Vlok, who ordered Khotso House’s bombing, says Hein did this, that, or the other, the chase is then on for his mother-in-law and daughter. Can you answer these questions, Izak?”

“I really think you should do the honourable thing for Nasionale Pers [Naspers] and resign, because you are becoming a burden to everyone.”

Grosskopf refused to comment on the row, except to say he was “very disappointed” that Rapport had decided to do the story about his son.

Naspers chairman Ton Vosloo also said he had no comment on the “confidential correspondence”.

De Villiers said the matter had been settled and, as a father, he would never attack another father by using his son. “I don’t understand why people are wanting me to retire. I myself wanted to do so last year already and was persuaded by the board to remain for another year. I am definitely going into retirement next year,” he said. Source

Fuck me! It would seem that Grosskopf Snr is as mad as Grosskopf Jr.

Now, the article that started that row was published in Rapport on October the 6th 1996. Since Grosskopf Snr mentions his 5yr old Grandaughter, that would mean she was conceived in either 1990 0r 1991 – the year that Hein Grosskopf came to England. Therefore, are we to assume that this child’s mother is the young wife that he abandoned in 1986?

If it was, it throws up all manner of questions such as she either knew about his activities between 1986-1991 or they had some kind of reconciliation and she was okay with what he had been up to in that time.

On the other hand, the child could have been born to an English woman when he arrived here in 1991. However, if that is the case, you have to say “fuck me”, he didn’t waste much time did he?

Right, let’s return to Grosskopf’s parents and the inexplicable way that they were so publicly defensive of their son’s terrorist activities – despite those activities causing them no end of trouble. The following is from the South African newspaper Beeld:

Grosskopf’s parents at hearing

21/11/2000, 22:11

Her son’s amnesty hearing was “the last hurdle” the family had to overcome to close this chapter in their lives, said Hein Grosskopf’s mother, Santie.

On Tuesday Grosskopf  requested amnesty for the bomb which exploded at the Wits Command in July 1987.

Mrs Grosskopf and the then Minister of Police Adriaan Vlok were involved in a sensational debate shortly after the bomb. Vlok publicly accused her son of three bomb attacks – the one at Wits Command, one at the Johannesburg magistrates’ court and another at the Kurgersdorp magistrates’ court.

She objected to Vlok linking her son to the explosions long before he had been found guilty. It became evident years later that, in spite of Vlok’s comments, the police couldn’t connect Grosskopf to the bombs at the magistrates’ courts.

Mrs Grosskopf and her husband Johannes, a former editor of Beeld and, until his retirement, head of the Department of Journalism at the University of Stellenbosch attended the hearing on Tuesday.

Hein’s former MK commander Aboobaker Ismail and his wife, Esther Waugh, were also present. Ismail has already been granted amnesty for his part in the Wits bombing.

Professor Grosskopf indicated after the hearing that much of the detail about his son’s involvement with the liberation movement was “news to him” and said he had “never asked Hein about his activities”.

“I’m sure he would have told me if I had asked. I just never asked him.”

Now, am I the only one who finds that last line strange? To me, it becomes even more so when you consider that Grosskopf Snr had a career in journalism throughout his whole working life. Are Journalists not naturally inquisitive?

Unless of course, there was more to it than that.

You see when Professor Johannes Grosskopf started making a name for himself as a journalist in SA, he inexplicably upped sticks and fucked off abroad to work. But he didn’t just fuck off to any old place. He fucked off to London and then Washington DC – And we know what goes on in Washington DC don’t we?

The following is taken from the Stellenbosch University website:

Santie was married to the journalist Johannes Grosskopf in 1955. They moved to London to open a foreign correspondent office for Nasionale Pers. After three years they moved back to Cape Town and Die Burger. Two years in Bloemfontein and then Johannesburg, where Johannes was founding editor of Beeld, the daily paper. By that time they had four children: Ernst, Annemarie, Riel and Hein.


In 1980 Johannes went to Washington DC to open another office for Nasionale Pers. Santie followed him after six months. When Stellenbosch University approached Johannes about a chair of journalism in 1983, the family moved to Stellenbosch. Johannes was Head of the Department of Journalism at Stellenbosch University from 1984 until 1993

So is it just coincidence then, that Grosskopf Jnr also visited the UK and America a year before joining the ANC?

And if Grosskopf Snr just so happened to be working for the American Security Services (CIA), that, to me would explain a lot. Not least why I believe that Grosskopf Jr was working for MI6 (maybe others too), but also why his parents were so forgiving of his activities.

Furthermore, the man I believe to be Grosskopf’s Grandfather,  J F W Grosskopff also had somewhat of a chequered past, having taken part in the 1914 anti government rebellion as a young man and then in later life working for the South African government. The following is from the Stellenbosch University website:

The first professorship in Economics was awarded to Johannes Grosskopf (1885-1948) between 1929 and 1935. However, it unleashed many disputes. According to Act 11 of 1915, no person who partook in the Rebellion of 1914 was allowed to have any access to a “teaching position”.

Because Grosskopf did in fact take part in the Rebellion, the Minister of Education – who was part of the S.A.P. Cabinet of the time – did not allow Grosskopf to accept the offer. Eventually the parliament proclaimed an Act of Indemnity that made it possible for Grosskopf to accept the post. The result of the delay was that the Department had to wait two years to make its appointment, since the vacant post had already been available in 1918.

Prof Grosskopf is especially well-known for the important role that he played, together with Prof Bobby Wilcocks and Mrs. M.E. Rothman (M.E.R.), in the compilation of the Carnegie Report. The report, also known as the Carnegie Poor White Study, deals with issues relating to the poor whites living in South Africa at that time, and was published in 1932.

Prof Grosskopf’s contribution was to determine the socioeconomic reasons for the whites’ poverty. The report found that a third of the one million Afrikaners in 1931 enjoyed a satisfactory economic status, another third was poor, and the remainder was “very” and “distressfully” poor.

The report had an objective and unemotional tone. Interestingly, the white population was not divided into groups of Afrikaans or English speaking people, but rather according to an “older white population”, which referred to those people that descended from Dutch, French and German origin, and a “younger white population” – people who mainly originated from England.

In 1935 Prof Grosskopf was employed by the Department of Trade and Industry, where he became head of the Division for Economics and Markets. He specialised in Agricultural Economics. After his retirement in 1945, he became deputy chairman of the National Marketing Council. He passed away in 1948.

Okay, now I know History is boring to many, but this is important. You will have noticed that I highlighted the Carnegie Report in red. The Carnegie family are one of the thirteen ruling families along with the Windsor’s, the Rothschild’s, and the Rockefellers.

Now, to me at least, that Carnegie report sounds as though it has a connection with Eugenics.

So, it is interesting that The University of Pretoria says the following on their page about their Department of Agricultural Economics, Extension, and Rural Development:

During 1934, a part-time professorship was created by the Agricultural Co-operatives. This post was filled from the beginning of 1935 by Prof JFW Grosskopf. He held his post as Officer at the Department of Agriculture throughout this time. Upon his retirement as State Official in 1945, he also gave up his professorship at the Department.

“What’s interesting about that Spivey?”

I’m glad you asked, because the report then goes on to say:

The environmental economics programme was converted to a centre in 2001 and is now known as the Centre for Environmental Economics and Policy for Africa (CEEPA). The major sponsors for the centre are the Rockefeller Foundation and SIDA. ABSA Bank sponsors the Chair in Agribusiness Management with R1 million over five years while Standard Bank has been funding the Chair in Agricultural and Rural Finance since 1998 for a similar amount. The Land Bank has recently taken over the sponsorship of this programme.

Just saying… Although I do promise you that, this is all leading somewhere.

Furthermore, there can be no denying that Heinrich’s activities caused his parents all manner of trouble and inconvenience.

This trouble included both their home and their holiday home being broken into and bugged by the SA Security Services.  The following is what Professor Grosskopf told a newspaper reporter at the Truth and Reconciliation hearings in November 2000:

‘He said the family had suffered many years of torture at the hands of the security police when it became known that his son – as an operator for Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK) – was almost single-handedly responsible for the attack in which more than 30 people were injured.

“After Minister of Law and Order Adriaan Vlok’s initial hysteria the security police kept harassing us. Cowardly policemen phoned us with threats in the middle of the night and also robbed us blind” Grosskopf said’. Source: Beeld

It is fair to say however, that Professor Grosskopf was not exaggerating. The following is taken from the TRC documents pertaining to the former head of the South African Secret Police, Eugene de Kock:

The 1200-page amnesty application compiled by former Vlakplaas commander Eugene de Kock includes details about a plot to assassinate Namibian President Sam Nujoma after his country’s independence in 1990.

It talks about security police general Basie Smit’s orders to De Kock to break into the Stellenbosch home and Rooi Els holiday cottage belonging to the parents of Hein Grosskopf, after former police minister Adriaan Vlok had publicly accused Grosskopf of bombing the Krugersdorp Magistrate’s Court.

And then there is this:

Among the crimes Pollack confessed to, in court papers filed in February, were ambushing and shooting the tyres of a bus carrying ANC supporters to the Delmas treason trial; arming Inkatha Freedom Party members in Johannesburg; warning IFP hostel leaders of impending police raids; infiltrating weapons into Umkhonto we Sizwe and the Azanian People’s Liberation Army in order to force their members to become informers; bugging conversations of Cyril Ramaphosa, FW de Klerk, Pik Botha and Roelf Meyer while employed by Anglo-American; and planting listening devices in the home of Hein Grosskopf’s parents. Source

You may also be interested to learn that one of Grosskopf’s brother’s – Riel, if I remember rightly – works for the United Arab Emirates government. I know this because his son won some award or other and Grosskopf’s parents were at the presentation to see him collect it. The strange thing is, I had the newspaper article saved, but it has since disappeared into thin air, and I’m buggered if I can find it on the net again… Very fucking strange indeed.

Never the less, which ever angle you approach it from, one way or another the Grosskopf’s are a very well connected family. Well connected to whom, remains to be seen.

And still the fact remains that never once did the Grosskopf’s publicly condemn their son for his activities. I find that rather strange especially in view of how hated Grosskopf was by the White South African population who had offered to dip into their own pockets to top up the 50,000 Rand price tag on Grosskopf’s head.

Course, the fact that the secret police went to all those extreme measures with Johannes & Santie Grosskopf illustrates just how determined the South African authorities were to arrest their youngest son.

The Anti-Terrorist Squad (ATS) was even prepared to cause a diplomatic incident in their desperation to capture him. You see, in March 1988 the ATS raided the West German Consul Generals residence in Johannesburg after a tip of that Grosskopf was hiding out there, leaving a red faced Pik Botha – SA Foreign Minister at the time – to formally apologise.

Now, what you have to ask yourself is; why would a wanted, South African terrorist be hiding in a West German diplomat’s house? Okay, Grosskopf wasn’t there at the time, but for the ATS to get the go ahead to carry out the raid can only have been because they were acting on very reliable, credible information.

Furthermore, the only reason that the West Germans would give a wanted foreign terrorist sanctuary was if there was something in it for them.

 

Never the less, had the South African security forces found grosskopf there – or anywhere else for that matter – in all probable likelihood, they would have murdered him.

I have based that assumption on two things. The first is an article that I read, written by a Journalist called Gavin Evans and the second is the number of so called ANC exiles who were murdered between March 1960 and December 1993.

In total, the number of exiles believed murdered between that period is at least 957 with at least 32 of those happening in the UK.

As a footnote to those murdered exiles, anyone who believes that Princess Diana wasn’t murdered may like to note that, out of those 957 murdered ANC and MK officials, 18 occurred in car ‘accidents’. Source: The ANC website

As for that article written by Gavin Evans, you may like to know that he was forced to flee South Africa after learning that he was going to be murdered by the South African Security Services.

Years later, Evans, a newspaper journalist, returned to South Africa looking for answers as to why he was going to be assassinated. The article that he wrote following his quest for answers begins with a foreword that states the following:

In apartheid South Africa the security forces had the state’s blessing to spy on, harass and `eliminate’ its opponents. Gavin Evans should know – he was on their hit list, and fled to London. But when he went back recently to track down his police files, he found the new regime a little less than welcoming.

Evans then takes up the story and after a bit of preamble he says this:

I was on the final lap of a quest to discover why a military hit squad had attempted to assassinate me in the dying days of apartheid. In particular, I was trying to dig out the dossiers kept on me by the agency responsible for the plot – Military Intelligence (MI).

After that, Evans waffles on about how he has to visit here there and everywhere to track down who was going to carry out the ‘hit’ on him, who sanctioned the hit, who was following him and so on and so on, until finally we get to the crux of the matter. This is what Evans had to say about that:

While reviewing an inquiry into a spy network run by the Johannesburg City Council, I came across a paper stamped “Top Secret” which noted that council spies had supplied MI with my home and work addresses shortly before the assassination attempt. I then read Staal Burger’s evidence to the judicial inquest into David Webster’s murder, where he claimed I was chosen for assassination because I was “involved in military activities with Hein Grosskopf” (an ANC military commander).

You can read that article in full by clicking HERE

Now, it has to be said that Gavin Evans made hard work of his voyage of discovery. What he should have done is looked on the internet, just as I had to fucking do. Had he done so, he would have found out the name of his would be assassin and why he was on the ‘hit list’, a piece of piss.

The following is an extract taken from the transcript of Evans’ would be assassin’s TRC hearing for amnesty which was held on the 17th March 2000:

MR KHANOVITZ: But Mr van Zyl, the truth is and I’m going to show you your own version, at the time that you agreed to participate in Mr Evans’ assassination on your own version you knew next to nothing about who he was an what he did?

MR VAN ZYL: That is so.

MR KHANOVITZ: Is that so?

MR VAN ZYL: I say that I knew very little apart from the fact that he – my information was that he was part of structures who functioned against the then government but what he did exactly, all the nice things and all the bad things I was not aware of that.

MR KHANOVITZ: But on your own version you didn’t even know that he was part of structures that were operating against the government?

MR VAN ZYL: No, I made a statement in 1990 in which I said that he was part of the End Conscription Campaign structure and that there was connection between him and Hein Grosskopf, how could I have said something like that? source

Ironically, the false passport that Grosskopf used on his travels was in the name of J R Evans.

At this point, I will remind you that the NSPCC say that they did a thorough CRB check on Grosskopf before giving him a job as a Social worker, working in the field of child protection. So, bearing in mind all that I have found out, had David Springer been telling the truth, imagine the amount of information that the CRB check on Grosskopf would have uncovered?

And it gets even more scandalous I can assure you of that.

I will now deal with what I have uncovered about Grosskopf’s movements after he detonated that car-bomb at Witwatersrand. Or, to be more accurate, what Grosskopf says his movements were after he detonated that bomb. The following is an account of those, in his own words:

Around 9.45 a.m. I parked the car in a parking space in Court Street. The street and surrounding area were relatively quiet in terms of civilian pedestrians and cars. With the car idling, I lashed the steering wheel in the required position. While doing this I could see in the rear view mirror the soldier on sentry duty talking to a young woman.

He seemed to look in my direction but did not give any sign of suspecting me. I threw all three switches, got out of the car, locked it and walked towards Sterland. Before reaching inside the cinema complex proper, I heard the Valiant’s engine revving very fast and loudly, then a loud explosion that shattered all the glass in front of me.

I ran through the cinema complex and was soon joined by other people running in the same direction, away from the blast. When I was a block away from the explosion, I removed the white overcoat and put it into a rubbish bin. I then stopped running and walked quickly to where the motorcycle was parked.

By the time I reached the motorcycle I could hear sirens all over the city. I drove back to Lyndon, collected some belongings and headed for Botswana on the motorcycle. I crossed the border into Botswana at Ramathlabane and contacted the special ops support unit at a pre-arranged rendezvous.

On 31st July I travelled to Zambia where I was met by Victor and taken to Lusaka where special operations and MHQ commanders debriefed me. I was then informed that Rashied had been redeployed as chief of ordinance in MHQ and that Chris, real name Lester Dumakude, was the new commander of special ops.

The chain of command was also changed and special ops would in future report directly to MSQ chief of operations Lambert Malloy.”

“Around December 1987 I was waiting in Botswana to be infiltrated back into South Africa. Just before this could happen, Rashied informed the support unit that the Police were aware of my expected arrival and had set an ambush. I was instructed to return to Lusaka.

Around March 1988 I was again being prepared for further operations and went to Angola to be trained in the use of clandestine radios. This training was conducted by a Soviet instructor in the Propaganda House in Luanda and continued for approximately two months. It included the use of morse code, coding systems and using special transmitters that transmit pre-recorded messages at very high speed to avoid detection.

While I was in Luanda I was informed that Adriaan Vlok had named me in the South African media as responsible for a number of MK operations and that there was consequently no chance of deployment inside South Africa again.”

“After this I went to the Soviet Union for specialised training in military engineering and sabotage, unarmed combat and military and combat work. Around September 1988, after my return to Lusaka, I was deployed in the command collective of special operations in charge of administration and operations. I can remember the details of only one operation planned by the collective during this period, a planned attack on a military base near the Zimbabwean border that was cancelled before it could be carried out.”

Pausing briefly for a second there, am I the only one who finds it a bit fucking convenient that Grosskopf can only remember one of the operations that he planned and that one was the one that just so happened to be cancelled?

After all, if I was planning operations that entailed bombs going off and the potential loss of life to innocent men, women and children, I’m pretty fucking sure, that I would remember each and every one of those operations that I had planned, right down to the most unimportant detail. God these cretins must think we are right fucking mug punters.

Carry on Grosskopf:

“Conference reaffirmed ANC policy with regard to targets considered legitimate: South African Defence Force and South African Police personnel and selected economic installations and administrative infrastructure. But the risk of civilians being caught in the crossfire when such operations took place could no longer be allowed to prevent the urgency needed all round intensification of the armed struggle.”

Sorry, I just have to butt in again to clarify that last sentence. You see, what Grosskopf is actually saying there is ‘fuck the innocent men, women, and children. If they get in the way, that’s their bad luck’. Just saying…

Please do carry on Mr Child Protecting Social Worker:

I was quite aware that there could be kids I went to school with inside that building. I was aware of that. The vast majority of children I went to school with, at least the boys, end up either in the South African Defence Force or in the Police. I knew they had faces, I knew they had people, they were not some amorphous enemy. But at the same time, the system that they chose to be a part of was killing people in their hundreds and their thousands and that had to be resisted. Source

Indeed it did have to be “resisted” Grossie. And how did your lot resist? Oh yeah, by killing their lot in their hundreds and thousands… Fucking hypocrite.

Overall, You have to admit that he’s a bit vague about his movements, don’t you?

Still, you may remember that at his TRC hearing he was granted amnesty for the Wits Command Car-bomb, which took place on the 30th of July 1987.

He was also granted amnesty for the arms cache that he had built up prior to the Wits Command car-bomb.

And he was granted amnesty for the following:

Accordingly amnesty is GRANTED to Applicant in respect of all offences and delicts arising from his activities as a member of the command collective of the Special Operations Unit of MK in furnishing the necessary support to operatives of MK carrying out military operations inside South Africa during or about the period September 1988 until December 1989.

Now, 1986 -1989 was the busiest time ever for MK, who, throughout that period were responsible for at least 13 major atrocities/terrorist attacks, nearly all taking place in South Africa and resulting in at least 250 fatalities and thousands of casualties – although as a military planner, he only planned the one… Which was cancelled. Hmmm.

Never the less, that number of fatalities is just a small fraction of the real total. This from Wikipedia:

In the ANC’s training camps, the ANC faced allegations that dissident members faced torture, detention without trial and even execution in ANC prison camps. In South Africa, the campaign to make the townships “ungovernable” led to kangaroo courts and mob executions of opponents and collaborators, often by necklacing.

‘Necklacing’, for anyone who doesn’t know is an extremely horrific way to die. The selected victim has an old car tyre laced with petrol put around his/her neck, which is then set alight.

Nelson Mandela’s wife at the time, Winnie the Shit Poo, was a particularly vocal advocate for the abhorrent practice:

Her reputation was damaged by such rhetoric as that displayed in a speech she gave in Munsieville on 13 April 1986, where she endorsed the practice of necklacing (burning people alive using tyres and petrol). She said, 

“with our boxes of matches and our necklaces we shall liberate this country.” 

Further tarnishing her reputation were accusations by her bodyguard, Jerry Musivuzi Richardson, that she had ordered  kidnapping and murder.  On 29 December 1988, Richardson, who was coach of the Mandela United Football Club (MUFC), which acted as Mrs. Mandela’s personal security detail, abducted 14-year-old James Seipei (also known as Stompie Moeketsi) and three other youths from the home of a Methodist minister, Rev. Paul Verryn, claiming she had the youths taken to her home because she suspected the reverend was sexually abusing them.

The four were beaten to get them to admit to having had sex with the minister. Seipei was accused of being an informer, and his body later found in a field with stab wounds to the throat on 6 January 1989.

In 1991, she was convicted of kidnapping and being an accessory to assault in connection with the death of Seipei. Her six-year jail sentence was reduced to a fine on appeal. The final report of the South African Truth and Reconciliation commission, issued in 1998, found “Ms Winnie Madikizela Mandela politically and morally accountable for the gross violations of human rights committed by the MUFC.” 

In 1992, she was accused of ordering the murder of Dr. Abu-Baker Asvat, a family friend who had examined Seipei at Mandela’s house, after Sepei had been abducted but before he had been killed. Mandela’s role was later probed as part of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission hearings, in 1997. She was said to have paid the equivalent of $8,000 and supplied the firearm used in the killing, which took place on 27 January 1989. The hearings were later adjourned amid claims that witnesses were being intimidated on Mandela’s orders

Nice bird!

Grosskopf’s beloved ANC was also at war with a rival political party called theInkatha Freedom Party (IFP), with thousands of innocent men, women, and children caught up in the ensuing bloodshed. The following, is once again from Wikipedia:

There was violence between the ANC and the Inkatha Freedom Party. For example between 1985 and 1989, 5,000 civilians were killed in fighting between the two parties. Massacres of each other’s supporters include the Shell House massacre and the Boipatong massacre.

 

Yet within a three year timeline in that same four year period, Grosskopf went from zero to a high ranking MK Commander and ANC Official, as well as becoming the most hated and wanted man in South Africa, all based on one car bomb which – by his own admission – was a fuck up.

Fuck off! I’m not buying it.

Here is a quick review of his timeline and some of the anomalies surrounding it:

  • January 1986 leaves his wife, Job and home to join the ANC, a banned political party.
  • March 1986 – October 1986 he’s asked to join the ANC’s Para-Military wing MK, and undergoes terrorist training.
  • He then does nothing for 9 months until the 30th of July 1987 when he detonates the Wits Command car bomb.
  • From the 31st of July 1987 until December 1987 he is in Zambia being debriefed on the Wits Command bomb. In other words, he spent 4 months talking about his failed bomb attempt.
  • In December 1987 he travels to Botswana and spends 3-4 months till March 1988 waiting to be re-deployed into South Africa. Just before that happens, he receives word that the Police are on to him so he fucks off to an Angolan terrorist training camp for two months.
  • While he’s there, Adriaan Vlok, South Africa’s Minister for the Police, decides that Grosskopf is Public Enemy Number 1 and puts a reward on his head – at least 10 months after the Wits Command bomb.
  • With that being the case, our somewhat evasive, not to mention extremely lazy Bomber decides he best leave Africa altogether and fucks off to Communist Russia under the name of J R Hartley Evans. That takes care of the period between May 1988 and September 1988.

After September 1998, there is no mention of Grosskopf’s movements at all, although the TRC gave him amnesty for his crimes right up until December 1989. However, if he wasn’t up to anything naughty, he wouldn’t need Amnesty would he?

Never the less, I have discovered that Grosskopf arrived back in Lusaka on the 30th of June 1989 to attend an ANC conference at which he was the designated ‘Head of Protocol’.

However, before I say anymore, have a read of this first:

LUSAKA, ZAMBIA.

HEINRICH GROSSKOPF, a lanky young Afrikaner with a boyish face and sensitive manner, is known to white South Africans as the country’s most wanted guerrilla. At the height of a spate of urban bombings in late 1987, Mr. Grosskopf, who comes from a leading Dutch-descended Afrikaner family, was blamed by police for two of the bombings in which at least three people were killed.

“By branding an Afrikaner boy as a terrorist they were sending a message to all whites – and Afrikaners in particular – that the boy next door could also be a terrorist,” Grosskopf said in an interview here.

Since he left the country secretly in 1986 to join the outlawed African National Congress (ANC) – and subsequently its military wing, Umkhonte We Sizwe – Grosskopf’s whereabouts have been a mystery.

Great was the surprise, therefore, of 115 liberal whites who arrived at Lusaka airport June 30 to be greeted by a smiling, nervous Grosskopf in a suit and tie.

As chief of protocol for the three-day conference organized by the ANC to discuss the role of whites in a post-apartheid society, Grosskopf interacted with many delegates, to the visible discomfort of some.

Some delegates argued that his presence was a provocative act by the ANC that would play into the Pretoria government’s hands to portray the ANC as hard-line terrorists. Others said it reflected the ANC’s honesty in not trying to conceal the side of its operations that is less palatable to whites.

Sorry to keep butting in, but some people aren’t as clever as you are and things need clarifying.

Right Thicko’s, just to make it clear.

In saying that “Some delegates argued that his presence was a provocative act by the ANC that would play into the Pretoria government’s hands to portray the ANC as hard-line terrorists”, it follows that Grosskopf must have been a hard-line terrorist.

On the other hand, by saying “Others said it reflected the ANC’s honesty in not trying to conceal the side of its operations that is less palatable to whites.”It also follows that Grosskopf must have been a hard-line terrorist.

Therefore, Grosskopf must have been a hard-line terrorist.

Got that?

Cool, do get on with it for fucks sake:

Grosskopf, as in most things, was frank:

“I am here. If they don’t like it, that’s tough.”

[…] There was endless curiosity among the delegates as to how the perfect Afrikaner boy became a violent revolutionary.

He traced his politicization to his school days at the Linden High School in Johannesburg. There he was branded a “communist” because he turned down a nomination to be a prefect – it involved opposing the enrollment of black pupils at the school.

By the time he left school he was acutely aware of the racial injustice around him and decided he would refuse to be conscripted in the South African defense force. As it happened, he was exempted on medical grounds.

He was deeply affected by the widespread repression under the 1985 emergency during which hundreds were shot by security forces or detained without trial.

[…] From his new home at the exiled ANC headquarters, Grosskopf is not prepared to discuss the details of the bombings or whether he was involved in them.

But the soft-spoken Afrikaner revolutionary is proud of his position as a “political soldier” in the ANC’s military wing and he defends violence and killing as necessary to hasten just order in South Africa.

And very violent they were too. As I have already said, MK, were very, very feared.

Nelson Mandela, could in fact have been released from prison a lot earlier than he was but for the fact that he wouldn’t renounce his violent crimes.

Neither has he done so since. And most tellingly, he didn’t ask for or receive Amnesty at the TRC hearings.

Now, without wishing to over dwell on the Witwatersrand bombing, I found a very good newspaper report, written in the aftermath of Grosskopff’s handy work.

You see, it sounds to me as though the bombing was very played down at the TRC, whereas the following report captures the full horror of the blast quite well, in my humble opinion:

 

Blast may be in ‘retaliation’

31 JUL 1987 00:00 – WEEKLY MAIL REPORTERS

Seconds after yesterday’s blast in central Johannesburg … a car burns, a policeman runs, by-standers check for further bombs under cars.

Although the African National Congress could not confirm responsibility by late yesterday for the powerful bomb which rocked central Johannesburg earlier in the day, observers in the Frontline states had little doubt ANC guerrillas planted it. The blast, near Witwatersrand Command army headquarters, was in keeping with the ANC strategy of hitting military targets and, according to observers, could be linked to the July 9 assassination in Swaziland of the senior Umkhonto We Sizwe leader, Cassius Make.

Yesterday’s explosion, which injured about 70 people, four seriously, was the largest yet in any urban centre, according to the Minister of Defence, Magnus Malan. It was the 11th in Johannesburg this year. It follows the explosion of two car bombs in the Johannesburg Magistrate’s Court on May 20, when four policemen who went to investigate the first blast were killed when a second bomb was triggered by remote control.

Johannes Mnisi, the ANC mastermind credited by police with planning both the May 20 operation and the 1983 Pretoria car bomb blast – which killed 19 people and injured 217 – is known to have evaded police to date. An eyewitness who arrived at Witwatersrand Command shortly after the 9.45 am explosion said he saw soldiers rushing out of the blackened building in panics, cocking small revolvers. “Lots of people were running away from the bomb; some were spattered with blood.”

He said black pieces of metal were all that remained of the vehicle in which the bomb apparently exploded, across the road from the Witwatersrand Command building and next to the Ster City complex. A car next to it was on fire. “There’s nothing left of our offices,” said one young soldier blocking the street. “The water bottle on the table vibrated for a second and then exploded into a million pieces, and I saw a telephone flying through the air. There were chairs and tables all over the place”.

Broken glass glittered like piles of snow in streets surrounding the Witwatersrand Command. The blast shattered glass in buildings five blocks away. Shaken movie-goers from the Ster cinema described how “the screen fell right off the wall”. While first aid workers at Red Cross House in De Villiers Street, 50 metres from the blast, picked their way through their building’s shattered glass to attend to the bomb’s victims, employees at the nearby Diamond Club scrambled to collect the precious, stones which were strewn everywhere after the building’s ceiling collapsed.

“It had to happen here. We are going to move out immediately,” said Danny Zulberg, manager of a lighting company whose showroom faces the military command. Conversations overheard among black and white onlookers who gathered in a park opposite the military headquarters reflected the polarised responses to the attack.

One black woman danced a spontaneous jig on the grass, while several muttered quietly that the bomb had been well placed. Among others, mainly whites, there was anger and panic. “Where is (Frederik) Van ZyI Slabbert now?” shouted one man, referring to the leader of the Afrikaans delegation which met the ANC in Senegal recently. A few blocks away in Joubert Park, however, tramps slept in the sun and gardeners watered plants as usual. Source

And for anyone who doubts what I say about Nelson Mandela, there is plenty of information on the web to back me up. Just like the following in fact:

So Nelson Mandela and his communist buddies in the ANC planted bombs, raped, robbed and terrorized civilians at an alarming rate. That’s what terrorists do, they terrorize the weak, the old, the young and the unarmed. The ANC also used crime as a way of funding their activities.  Mandela’s communist ANC’s plan, their slogan and their strategic aim was to make the country ungovernable.

By 1987, crime against the civilians had become so outrageous, the country so violent, that the government fought back furiously and crime was brought under control for awhile after 1987. source

Just your ordinary, everyday, average political party then, of whom the NSPCC’s David Springer said:

We were aware of his past links with the African National Congress (ANC). However, the South African Government’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission made clear that ANC members were not considered to have committed criminal acts.

At this point, I also feel that I should just point out to Dave the Grave and his NSPCC bosses – since they appear to be somewhat confused: Amnesty, by definition is a decision by a government that allows political prisoners to go free. Source – The Cambridge online Dictionary.

Disregarding the fact that the government who approved this amnesty for the ANC and MK Terrorists WAS the ANC, Amnesty still does not mean “ANC members were not considered to have committed criminal acts”.

Give me fucking strength!

Moreover, the NSPCC were fully aware that Grosskopf had been an ANC member because, as I said earlier, he told them on his application form in June 1999 – albeit he forgot to mention that he was also an MK commander.

Furthermore, once the NSPCC found out that Gross had been an MK Commander, sometime in mid to late 2000 (if they didn’t already know), instead of sacking him for not only lying on his job application form, not to mention lying to the GSCC in order to get his registration, they gave him a fucking massive promotion to Manager of their Acorn Centre.

After that, the NSPCC – having now been caught out by their employees (the 3 whistle-blowers) – tried to justify Grosskopf’s employment by nonsensically claiming that they had checked to see if the South Africa Social Services would have been happy to employ him as a Social Worker.

Well, I for one would like to see the evidence that they did that.

At the same time, I would also point out to the cretins that Africa is a third world country, with South Africa being at that time, one of the top five most violent and lawless countries on the planet… Unbe-fucking-lievable.

 

Never the less, I have marked where South Africa is with a black ring on the above map of the world.

I have marked where the UK is on the same map via a red ring.

You see, whilst I know that you lot know where the two countries are, it would appear that the NSPCC don’t.

However, to be fair I do think that the UK and SA have swapped their world rankings with each other sometime within the past 10 years or so.

 

 

Never the less, let’s return to examining Grosskopf’s movements for now.

Since the last article from the 30th of June 1989 states that Grosskopf flew into Lusaka airport from his new home at the ANC headquarters, it’s quite hard to pinpoint exactly which ANC headquarters the newspaper is talking about.

There are however, one or two newspapers that say Grosskopf fled to England in 1988 and while it’s true that the ANC have a headquarters here, I am of the opinion that he didn’t.

On the other hand, the general consensus seems to be that Grosskopf wound up in England sometime in 1991, which I am also inclined to agree with.

Now, here is the really weird thing. Grosskopf illegally entered the UK on a false passport and was at that time, South Africa’s most wanted man with a price tag of 50,000 Rand on his head.

Furthermore, the UK has had an extradition treaty with South Africa since 1976 and according to the independent newspaper:

Under the treaty between South Africa and Britain prosecutors do not have to produce prima facie evidence of his guilt, they only need to state their suspicions.
Yet, Grosskopf, despite being South Africa’s most wanted man at the time, was given permanent leave to live and work in the UK.

Why?

As in, why would South Africa’s most wanted terrorist, allegedly responsible for killing at least seven people and maiming hundreds more, and who also illegally entered the country, be allowed to live and work here?

Surely, only the Home Office can grant permission for something like that?

So, allowing a three year time line, 1988-1991, Grosskopf must have been granted permission by either Douglas Hurd 1985- 1989, David Waddington 1989 – 1990, or Ken Baker 1990 – 1992.

The first two, Hurd and Waddington were Thatcher’s Home Secretaries, the third, Ken Baker was John ‘nice peas Norma’ Majors.

Now, despite Thatcher viewing the ANC as a ”typical terrorists organisation”, she did begin openly backing the banned political party in April 1990. The following is from Wikipedia:

Nevertheless as a gesture of goodwill Thatcher agreed to begin aid to the ANC, which until its suspension of violence she had criticised as ‘a typical terrorist organisation’.

However, evidence would suggest that the Thatcher government were covertly backing the ANC long before that.

Course, John Major carried on where Thatcher had left off, so it’s fair to say that either would have let Grosskopf stay, had he been an exile.

 

However; Grosskopf wasn’t an ‘exile’. An exile is someone like Gavin Evans, the Journalist who was nearly murdered because he was deemed to be an associate of Grosskopfs.

Grosskopf was a terrorist on the run for murder… Big difference.

Now, as it happens, a source, whom I cannot name or even tell you what they do or how they would know, has informed me that “unofficially” Grosskopf was welcomed into the country with “open arms”.

Therefore, the only reason for that to happen must be that our South African ‘Social worker’ was of great benefit to our government. That benefit would either be in the form of information about Russia’s secret intelligence (Grosskopf had spent a lot of time in Moscow), or he was indeed, working for MI6.

Tellingly, with the fall of Apartheid, those ANC exiles in England and other African countries all returned to South Africa, whereas Grosskopf remained in the UK, far too afraid to return home.

So why was/is it too Dangerous for him to return home? Don’t forget, even in 2000 when Grosskopf attended the TRC hearings, he still needed no less than 5 elite police protection bodyguards.

On the other hand, the vast majority of the ANC Exiles and MK Terrorists were welcomed back into South Africa with open arms – many even being rewarded with top government posts as evidenced in the following:

Back in South Africa former exiles dominated the leadership of the ANC in the 1990s. Out of 60 to 70 NEC members, between 34 and 38 were former exiles even more in the NWC (11 to 16 out of the 19 to 24 members). Looking at election results at ANC conferences, in those years exiles have been extremely popular. A substantial number of cabinet members in the new South African government between 1994 and 2004 had received political, military, or professional training in exile.

Many former exiles gained bureaucratic experience in the well-structured apparatus of the exile-ANC which enabled them to take up crucial positions in the higher echelons of post-Apartheid South Africa. However, some exiles of the early generations, having devoted their entire lives to the struggle, did not find a fitting place. source

 

It is in fact, true to say that every South African President since Mandela has been either an ANC exile or MK terrorist.

Mandela, himself was arrested for no less than 23 different acts of sabotage and conspiring to overthrow the government.

And listen to this; Mandela and his fellow conspirators from the ANC/MK and the South African Communist Party were caught red handed by the police in the possession of 48,000 Soviet-made anti-personnel mines and 210,000 hand-grenades.

After Mandela came Thabo Mvuyelwa Mbeki as SA’s ANC Presidenti:

After leaving the Eastern Cape, Thabo Mbeki lived in Johannesburg, working with Walter Sisulu. After the arrest and imprisonment of Sisulu, Mandela and his father—and facing a similar fate—he left South Africa as one of a number of young ANC militants (Umkhonto we Sizwe cadres) sent abroad to continue their education and their anti-apartheid activities. He ultimately spent 28 years in exile, returning to his homeland only after the release of Nelson Mandela. Source Wikipedia

After Mbeki came Kgalema Petrus Motlanthe:

In the 1970s, while working for the Johannesburg City Council, he was recruited into Umkhonto we Sizwe, the military wing of the ANC. He formed part of a unit tasked with recruiting comrades for military training. On 14 April 1976, he was arrested for furthering the aims of the ANC and was kept in detention for 11 months at John Vorster Square in central Johannesburg. In 1977, he was found guilty of three charges under the Terrorism Act and sentenced to an effective 10 years imprisonment on Robben Island, from 1977 to 1987.

And, last but not least, the current President of South Africa, Jacob Zuma:

Zuma began engaging in politics at an early age and joined the African National Congress in 1959. He became an active member of Umkhonto we Sizwe in 1962, following the South African government’s banning of the ANC in 1961. Zuma joined the South African Communist Party (SACP) in 1963. That year, he was arrested with a group of 45 recruits near Zeerust in the western Transvaal, currently part of the North West Province. Convicted of conspiring to overthrow the Apartheid government, a government led by white minorities, Zuma was sentenced to 10 years’ imprisonment, which he served on Robben Island with Nelson Mandela and other notable ANC leaders also imprisoned during this time.

Now, some might say that if MK terrorist can become South African Presidents then why can’t one become an English Social worker – which would be a fair enough question, I suppose.

However, as I have already said, murder is rife in South Africa and the ANC leaders make that Cunt Cameron and his band of thieving nonce’s look like angels:

There were many members of the ANC who were penniless before 1994, but who used their new political credentials to amass sudden wealth. They became known as “black diamonds” and revelled in ostentatious consumption funded by heavily leveraged bank loans that made no economic sense.

 

Moreover, unlike Mandela and the other three Presidents, Grosskopf was far from welcomed back into the country as an all conquering hero.

So, why is that?

Well, my guess would be that it would have something to do with Grosskopf’s friend and associate Bheki Jacobs.

Bheki Jacobs, whose real name is Hassan Solomon comes from a Durban family with deep roots in the Apartheid ‘struggle’.

By 1985, Jacobs had attracted the attention of the security police and was under immense pressure. In fact, had he not fled the country, he would in all probability, have been killed by the apartheid security forces.

Jacobs did finally flee the country in 1985, proceeding first to Mauritius and later to the ANC camps in Zambia.

Soon after his arrival at the camps, Jacobs became involved in conflict with elements of the ANC security hierarchy. In 1986, he was thrown into the notorious Quatro prison, where he spent about five months before being rescued by Ivan Pillay, now a senior official in the South African Secret Service. The following is from Noseweek Magazine:

Jacobs was then deployed into the ANC’s Swaziland underground network. After a crackdown by apartheid security forces, he was jailed again – by the Swazis for illegally entering that country. The Swazis eventually deported him back to Zambia.

The beginning of the 90s saw renewed conflict between Jacobs and the ANC hierarchy. This time allegedly assisted by Hein Grosskopf, he again took issue with the venality and personal corruption of many individuals within the leadership. That experience coalesced into the informal network of exiles which would ultimately form the nucleus of Congress Consultants.

Said one exile: ‘The Congress Consultants network grew as a counter to the corruption and influence of the old leadership. The support of these exiles coalesced around Thabo Mbeki as the man who had brought the war to an end and who was not associated with the excesses of the camps and structures in the Frontline states.’

But that was to come later. Meanwhile Jacobs was demobbed from MK and sent to Moscow – to further his education and, it is believed, to play a new intelligence role.

From 1992 to 1994 he was registered at Moscow State University to do a masters thesis under the tutorship of Professor Appollon Davidson in the Institute of Asian and African Studies. He also appears to have had an undercover diplomatic role in the then rapidly crumbling Soviet Union: helping to secure ‘sensitive’ ANC and SACP records held there, and to facilitate the return of South African trainees and operatives who found themselves stranded at various academic and military institutions.

Someone who knew him in Moscow said Jacobs was unsettled and reluctant to return to South Africa, where he feared he might be killed by enemies in the ANC.

In other words, Bheki Jacobs was a spy backed by Grosskopf.

Now, you will have seen that I marked in red the part that said Jacobs (and as such Grosskopf) was backing Thabo Mbeki – who later went on to become the South African President.

You will also have noticed that Jacobs was reluctant to return to South Africa from Moscow, because he feared for his life – just like Grosskopf.

And, since Jacobs – whose life was undoubtedly in immense danger – was being backed up by Grosskopf, it therefore follows that his life would also be in danger from other members of the ANC, does it not?

Could that be part of the reason that Grosskopf is scared to return to South Africa and is not hailed as an all conquering hero like his ANC comrades?

Maybe.

However, things are not that straight forward. You see, Jacobs was mixed up in all manner of subterfuge, as described in the following:

Bheki Jacobs was the nom de guerre given to him by the ANC in 1985 after he fled from SA and the security police. He was born in Durban as Hassan Solomon in 1962, and it was under that name that he was buried in Cape Town.

In the tortured complexities of SA’s obsessions with racial classifications, he was born “coloured” but got himself reclassified as “Indian” so that he might attend a better school.

He was highly trained as an intelligence operative at Moscow State University and returned to Sa in 1994 to work under Mbeki at the ANC’s international affairs department. The ANC was then trying to break the De Beers diamond cartel and sought assistance from Russian and Russian-Israeli diamond dealers. The old Soviet Union and De Beers from apartheid SA had perversely collaborated under the guise of “market stability” to inflate diamond prices…

There were many members of the ANC who were penniless before 1994, but who used their new political credentials to amass sudden wealth. They became known as “black diamonds” and revelled in ostentatious consumption funded by heavily leveraged bank loans that made no economic sense. Mbeki’s communications director, Smuts Ngonyama, infamously commented that he had not joined the ANC to be poor.

The banks and financial institutions colluded in these scams, just as they had in funding the Bantustans and state institutions such as Armscor during the apartheid era. For instance, funding for the R3.7 billion BEE stake in De Beers was provided by Standard Bank, but contributed nothing either to poverty alleviation or job creation.

Nicky Oppenheimer gushed in a press statement that it represented the “most significant change of ownership since the formation of De Beers in 1888”. BEE significantly drives up interest rates for small businesses and crowds out much more worthwhile ventures for SA’s economic development. It results in catastrophic unemployment among those who are not politically connected. Source

Nicky Oppenheimer is a product of the in-bred Oppenheimer family – Who like the Carnegies (whom commissioned Grosskopf’s Grandad to write that ‘eugenics’ report that I mentioned earlier) are one of the 13 elite ruling families. The following is from Wikipedia:

He was educated in England at Harrow School and Christ ChurchOxford where he graduated with a degree in Philosophy, Politics, and Economics, and later took the Oxford MA.

Forbes “World’s Richest People” List of billionaires (2008) estimated his net worth at £2.8 billion in 2008.

Nicky is also Cousin to Margaret Hodge, the Paedophile Labour MP… Just saying.

Anyway, back to Jacobs:

When he returned to South Africa in November 1994, his multiple identities raised red flags at Home Affairs. Shaik vouched for him to facilitate his re-entry into the country.

Jacobs then went to work for Mbeki in the ANC’s Department of International Affairs, based at its Shell House headquarters.

Jacobs claimed to have been a paid agent of the South African Secret Service in the early 1990s under the name Hassan Osman. source

However, Jacobs, who was also involved with an Arms deal scandal, had ulterior motives for getting close to Mbeki:

Jacobs is believed to have been arrested in connection with charges of conspiracy to kill President Thabo Mbeki, but when he appeared in the Pretoria Magistrate’s Court he was charged with fraud relating to the ownership of more than one passport.

Mabona said: “I can confirm that a complaint was received from Democratic Alliance MP, Douglas Gibson. source

So, was Grosskopf also caught up within that assassination plot and arms deal? Certainly, all the evidence points to Grosskopf being a Spy. There can be no doubt that he was a friend, and supporter of Jacobs, and there can be no doubt that he was very high up in the MK/ANC rankings, as is evidenced by the following newspaper report:

South Africa: Enemies Once Dined At Top Eatery

THE discretion that once allowed MK guerrillas on the run to enjoy a quiet meal alongside apartheid Cabinet ministers helped secure Pretoria’s La Madeleine its place as South Africa’s top restaurant.

Situated in a comfortable house in the Pretoria suburb of Lynnwood, La Madeleine at 18 years old remains the restaurant of choice for political heavyweights, the diplomatic corps and visiting rock stars.

Fitted out in a comfortable, understated Provençal style, the 60-seater is the labour of love of Belgian chefs Daniel and Karine Leusch, who came to South Africa in 1976.

After a spell working in restaurants in Johannesburg, the Belgian- and Swiss-trained couple moved to Pretoria, where they established the first, bistro-styled La Madeleine in the main street of Sunnyside in 1984.

Word soon got out in high circles that not only did the restaurant provide excellent Mediterranean fare, but the proprietors were masters of discretion – a rare and valuable commodity as the country entered the final bitter struggle against apartheid.

Former Foreign Affairs Minister Pik Botha became a regular, as did notorious French mercenary Bob Denard, who ate there incognito between 1984 and 1994.

Audaciously exploiting a loophole in the Separate Amenities Act that allowed blacks and Indians to eat at whites-only restaurants if they had been invited by a diplomat, Daniel Leusch used the French embassy as cover whenever MK leader Mac Maharaj dropped in for a meal – while still on the run.

“He knew his name would not be mentioned to the police,” Leusch said.

“During apartheid, the ANC would be at one table and some agents from the CIA at another while Eugene Terre Blanche was eating in the corner.”

The diners tended to keep to themselves – unlike Education Minister Kader Asmal, who today loves to chat to his neighbours.

Amazingly, Leusch said, there was only one hair-raising incident: MK guerrilla Hein Grosskopf had arranged a meeting at La Madeleine and heavily armed security police pounced on Leusch by mistake as he stepped out of the restaurant.

Today, the restaurant has added international stars like Bono of U2 to its list of customers, all of whom know they will get impeccable treatment from Eat Out Server of the Year winner Franco McKellar.

La Madeleine also owes its top position to hard work, fare that is “traditional” yet innovative, a relaxed, homely atmosphere – and reasonable prices: R130 to R150 for an à la carte meal, excluding wine and tips. source

A bit like a big time gangster then!

We also know that Grosskopf, like Jacobs, had many alias’s – having entered England under the name of J R Ewing Evans.

And like all good Spies, Grosskopf’s also had a codename. Apparently his was Akino.

Moreover, the notorious, high ranking MK Terrorist, Colin De Sousa – who also received amnesty for Grosskopf’s bombing of the Wits Command HQ – didn’t even know Grosskopf by his real name. The following is taken from a report of De Sousa testimony to the TRC:

Wits command was attacked on July 30 by Hein Grosskopf, who, although he has applied for amnesty for the attack which left one dead, earlier said he would not testify before the amnesty committee.

De Sousa said he had only once before met Grosskopf, but that he did not know Grosskopf’s true identity until recently, when he was shown a photograph by truth commission investigators.

The hearing continues tomorrowsource

I would certainly wager that one of the main reason Grosskopf cannot return to South Africa is because of his relationship with Bheki Jacobs. And, the fact that Jacobs, as well as other friends of Grosskopf’s were murdered convinces me all the more:

It has been a long, gruelling and bruising debacle. The arms deal scandal has undoubtedly killed many people along the way, sadly probably including Bheki Jacobs at the age of 46. Whether (former SACP leader) Chris Hani and (former defence department minister) Joe Modise are other casualties also needs to be investigated….

And this:

Jacobs died in September 2008 at the age of 46 of cancer in extremely suspicious circumstances. I respectfully request the Commission to recommend investigations whether the multiple cancers that killed Jacobs were deliberately induced and that his death, therefore, was murder. source

 

So, having been allowed to stay in England indefinitely, Grosskopf ended up – somewhat dubiously – as a qualified social worker.

The following is information on the requirements and time that it takes to become a social worker in England:

People with minor convictions are not automatically prevented from studying to be a social worker.

Each situation will be considered individually and the final decision will be made by the university as part of its selection considerations.

But social work as a profession is excluded from the Rehabilitation of Offenders Act, which means that convictions do not become ‘spent’ after a period of years, and any criminal convictions will have to be declared.

The degree course is three years full-time or 4 years part-time, but some universities will offer graduates who have a related degree (sociology, psychology, social studies, etc) to complete a masters degree in two years.

Some may run courses on a part-time basis or through open or distance learning. Many universities offer employment-based routes in partnership with local employers.

Some employers sponsor students to study the degree through their local universities or the Open University.

Source

I can tell you now that Grosskopf claims to have attended Bradford University between 1997-1998. Before that, he claims to have attended Bradford and Ilkley Community College between 1995 – 1997.

However, fuck knows how he managed to fit them in when you read his NSPCC Job Application form – on which he claims that he came to England in August 1991.

From September 1991 to September 1993, he is listed as being a ‘Computer Supervisor’- whatever that is – in a Harrogate, Cash & Carry.

One day a mass murderer, the next day an ordinary Joe… Or Hein… I dunno, never a dull moment is there!

From September 93 until February 1995, Grosskopf was banging on, although he has listed himself as a volunteer at a Harrogate Homeless Project.

Never the less, Ian Smiff would never let him get away with that today… Then again, I don’t doubt an exception would be made in his case.

From Feb 1992 until September 1995, he was a part time Client Support Worker offering advice and assistance to address housing issues – as well as a full time computer supervisor, full time schoolboy and full time dole-ite… Carry on.

From September 1995, until April 1996, he was again full time unemployed… Apart from school.

From April 1996 to December 1996, he was a Resident Caretaker at ‘Making Space’, in Leeds – a home for people with Mental Health Problems (I would imagine the mad bomber fit right in there).

Grosskopf was then unemployed again until June 1997 whereby he became a Pre Sentence report writer for two months, on a “casual” basis.

And then, as if by magic, the month before he gave up casually writing pre sentence reports (July 1997), he became a fully qualified (children and Families) Social Worker for Calderdale Social Services Department.

Mind you, he only lasted 5 or 6 months there, leaving sometime in January 1998.

Having said that, there was apparently no limit to Grosskopf’s get up and go by the time he reached his 32 birthday, since our once lazy bomb-ba clart  is also listed as being a part time ‘waking night supervisor’ in a probation hostel between August 1995 and September 1998.

Never the less, our bomb making expert also managed to fit in the job of a Part Time ‘Worth Programme Facilitator’ between December 1997 through to June 1999, as well as working as a Social Worker for Bradford Social Services between September 1998 and June 1999.

Funnily enough, he lists his job description for Bradford Social Services as being “long term case holding social work’, though fuck knows how since he was only there for seven months at the most.

Then, as we now know, Grosskopff started work for the NSPCC as a Child Protection Officer in either June or July 1999.

I do have to say that I find it a bit strange – not to mention rather convenient – that unlike Grosskopf’s employment record which is specific in both months and years, his College and University attendance is only listed in years.

He also lists some course’s he went on between 1995-1999. These courses add up to 44 days in total.

What he doesn’t list on his CV, beside the fact that he has a tendency to murder people, is that while he was busy being busy, he also managed to find the time to write and publish a novel, which is quite strange. That is to say, quite strange that he didn’t mention the fact on his CV. There was nothing strange about him writing a novel. After all, his Grandad and Mother were both famous authors.

Then again, his book entitled ‘Artistic Graves’ maybe a work of fiction, but it is based on his time as a terrorist – When writing a book always stick to what you know about.

I suppose that would be why he didn’t mention it then.

Having said that, after reading Grosskopf’s CV, there can be no doubt that his qualifications are at best, suspect. However, this becomes even more probable when you read the witness statements from the three whistle-blowers, one of which states:

I have no idea whether or not Hein is currently involved in any terrorist activity but I think it is worth noting that myself and a colleague had suspicions about him before we knew about his background. The things that made us suspicious of him include; Hein being agitated and distant at times and him not having a good working knowledge of Care Proceedings or the Children Act which made us question whether or not he had actually undertaken his training.

Hein worked early or late for no obvious reason to us […] being misleading to us about where he was spending his annual leave and giving different accounts to different staff members; telling us he had his passport stolen during a time when he was supposed to have been abroad.

We have questioned his chosen career change and whether or not all his previous terrorist training is now redundant or whether being a Social Worker is in fact a cover for something more sinister.

After he ‘left’ the NSPCC the team administrator found a box with some tins of B&Q paint along with six timer switches. This alarmed us because we had read in Hein’s amnesty statement how he had previously bought material to improvise time switches and knowing that we do not use time switches at our place of work, we were obviously concerned as to why he had bought them.

As I mentioned earlier, this matter was subsequently reported to the Police. This is what the Whistle-blower, Sue told me:

We most certainly took it to the police, not least because we found a carrier bag in his office that contained timer switches that had been recently purchased from B&Q, the receipt was still in the bag. Given  that we didn’t use any timer switches at the Acorn Centre (and there wasn’t just one) and given that in Hein’s amnesty statement he details how he converted a timer switch into a detonator for one of his bombs, we were alarmed and concerned.

 I went to speak with a police officer that i had worked with and trusted and she took it to her inspector. She got back to me to say that her inspector had told her that if the NSPCC didn’t have any problems with him then there wasn’t much they could do. Apparently, though he had conceded that he understood our concerns and could see where we were coming from.

 I know that (name removed by Spivey) also met with someone from the police and they got back to her to say they had passed all the info up to intelligence.

 I also passed it onto the anti terrorist unit on two different occasions. The first time i emailed them, following a counter terrorism talk that i attended after the London bombings and everyone was given a contact and urged to report any worries or concerns. The second occasion, i copied a whole file of everything and passed it to the wife of  the police Inspector in charge of regional counter terrorism, she assured me she passed it to him. 

 Also, a colleague in the metropolitan police was made aware.

In another witness statement, written by the whistle-blower that I refer to as ‘Jacky’, writes:

When Hein arrived the next day and throughout the course, I found his behaviour to be rather odd. At the conference, I noticed that Hein wasn’t connecting with the other delegates, and seemed unable to interact with other people. I noticed several times that he seemed to be receiving very strange looks from others.  

Two other delegates on the course approached me and asked whether Hein was my manager, I said that he was. One of them commented that he was “unusual”; the other said he must take a lot of getting used to. Both of these people were clearly choosing their words carefully and being polite.

 

In May 2004, Mrs ‘M’ (Name withheld by Spivey) Ma.Ba (Hons) Dip.SW, a children’s fund manager, felt that the staff at the Acorn Centre had a right to know about Grosskopf’s past activities as an ANC/MK Guerrilla fighter in the mid to late 1980’s.

Mrs ‘M’ subsequently gave a formal statement to Lynne Berry RSW, on the 27th of October 2004. Ms Berry is/was the Chief Executive of the GSCC. Amongst other things Mrs ‘M’ wrote in that Statement, were the following:

Hein was employed by the NSPCC as a Child Protection Officer in 1998 or 1999. He was at the time a wanted man. […] I feel a duty to report my concerns to you as the current situation whereby Hein was registered with the council and continues to be supported by his employers to be wholly inappropriate.

Indeed, if this were to become general knowledge, it would do much to undermine the public trust and confidence in social care services which is in total contrast to that which the council is set up to achieve.

I will remind you of Mrs ‘M’s credentials to make such a judgement – Ma.Ba (Hons) Dip.SW

After informing three members of the Acorn team in May 2004, the alarmed trio (the three whistle-blowers) in turn reported their concerns to senior NSPCC managers Markus Erooga (Reg E/1001957) and Gordon Ratcliffe (Reg E/1002572).

To their total dismay, the trio discovered that the information wasn’t news to either Erooga or Ratcliffe and seemingly of very little concern to them.

It later transpired that the reason for the pair’s apathy was that Grosskopf had been under investigation 3 or 4 years previously whilst working at the Blackburn branch of the NSPCC.

This investigation had come about following Grosskopf requesting time off to attend the TRC hearings.

The outcome of that NSPCC Blackburn investigation in which both Marcus Erooga (NSPCC Area Children’s Services Manager) and Gordon Ratcliffe (NSPCC Divisional Director) took part, was that Grosskopf was deemed as being no danger and allowed to return to work.

According to the NSPCC, Grosskopf was allowed to keep his job because – and I am directly quoting here:

  1. 1.       Hein had approached the organisation with the information in the first instance when he required time off to return to South Africa for amnesty
  2. 2.       Hein had previously an exemplary track record within the organisation and whose performance was rated highly by his line manager at the time, Dorothy Heaps.
  3. 3.       On the information, Hein presented at the time of the investigation 2000 the South African Social Work registration board confirmed Hein would be employed as a Social Worker in South Africa.
  4. 4.       That the ANC is a recognised political party and as such operated within the confines of the Geneva Convention.
  5. 5.       That Hein was operating within a chain of command and following orders.

What a pathetic lot of liars they are.

Mind you, people are  gullible and dumb enough to perceive those 5 reasons as being valid.

Me? I wouldn’t trust that bunch of cunts to piss on me if I was on fire.

Neither am I gullible, or dumb.

So, in response to the NSPCC’s findings. I will now address those 5 reasons that were put forward as justification for not terminating their bomb happy, sub standard, social workers contract by reminding the corrupt organisation of the following:

  1. Grosskopf most certainly did not approach the organisation with the information in the first instance. On his job application form, he stated that between January 1986 and August 1991 he was an exiled member of the ANC. He then goes on to list his duties, which consist entirely of admin jobs. NOWHERE, does he mention that he was an MK Commander between 1986 -1989. NOWHERE does he mention that he blew people up. Neither was he in exile. He was a wanted fugitive on the run from the police.  Therefore, he blatantly lied on his job application, which as you will see in the photo above should have led to ‘dismissal/legal action’. Moreover, Grosskopf had applied for amnesty in 1996, but was too scared to face the consequences of returning to SA when his hearing came up in 1998.
  2. Grosskopf’s “exemplary track record within the organisation” can be disregarded since this recommendation was given by Dorothy Heaps whom Grosskopf (unbeknown to anyone else at the time), was having an affair with. This affair subsequently developed into a situation whereby Heaps and Grosskopf were living together as man and wife by the time the bomb making expert was promoted to manager of the Blackpool, Acorn Centre. Indeed, this relationship appears to continue to this day. Now, being as the three whistle-blowers sussed Grosskopf’s poor knowledge of the ‘Children’s Act’ within a month or so of his subsequent promotion, it is quite obvious that Dotty Heaps is lying. Dorothy and Heinrich, are currently partners in a private counselling service. based in Keighley, West Yorkshire. Since neither appear to have even a modicum of integrity, I would suggest that the £35 for 50 minutes fee they charge, is hardly value for money.
  3. I dealt with the NSPCC’s claim that Grosskopf would be allowed to be a Social Worker in SA earlier. However, I feel that I should also add that this decision was based on the information that Grosskopf provided “at the time”. Therefore, with grosskopf’s woeful track record for being honest, it would be interesting to know what information was provided. In any case, I will repeat what I said earlier; there is a world of difference between a South African Social Worker and a British Social Worker.
  4. The NSPCC state that the ANC are a recognised political party. However, Grosskopf was with MK, and as I have also already said, the difference can be likened to someone being a member of Sinn Feign, and someone being a member of the Provisional IRA. Once again, there is a mile of difference between the two. Having said that, neither the ANC nor MK acted within the confines of the Geneva Convention. Had they done so, there would have been no need for the TRC Hearings. At those hearings, members of Both the ANC and MK were given amnesty for gross violations of human rights.
  5. This last one is nearly as pathetic as the NSPCC saying that the ANC acted within the realms of the Geneva Convention. The NSPCC must know that “operating within a chain of command and following orders” is not a defence. I would remind them of the Nuremberg Trials, where all the Nazi War Criminals testified that, they were “just following orders”. It didn’t wash then, and it doesn’t wash now.

So, knowing that Grosskopf’s first investigation was a farcical cover up, the trio of whistle-blowers then decided to take the matter further.

The following is an extract from a formal letter sent on the 6th August 2004 to the NSPCC’s Director of Children’s Services, Wes Cuel, on behalf of the three whistleblowers outlining their grievance against Grosskopf:

“we were shocked to discover that the organisation were aware of Hein’s past activities, as they had carried out an investigation in 2000, after Hein had approached the organisation for time off to return to South Africa in order to apply for Amnesty. Although he didn’t have Amnesty when he was initially employed, somehow the organisation accepted Hein’s violence and made it alright for themselves to not only reinstate him but subsequently reinvested in him by promoting him to become our manager at the acorn centre.

As a result, of the whistle-blowers complaint Grosskopf had been suspended from duty by the NSPCC on the 4th May 2004.

A further complaint had also been made by the same three whistle-blowers concerning the conduct of the NSPCC’s Managers, Markus Erooga and Gordon Ratcliffe, who it is alleged subjected the trio to victimisation and bullying by way of threats and intimidation as a direct result of their complaint against Grosskopf… I fucking hate bullies with a passion.

However, following the NSPCC’s subsequent internal investigation (which had once again cleared Grosskopf, leaving the whistle-blowers no choice but to report the matter to the GSCC), Wes Cuel in turn wrote back to one of the whistle-blowers (Sue Marshall) in respect of the complaint they had also made against Erooga and Ratcliffe.

Sue Marshall, who had originally requested that I keep her anonymous, has now informed me that she is prepared to come forward and make herself publicly known in order to expose the NSPCC for the corrupt organisation that they are.

You will note that Sue is a very experienced, registered Social Worker, specialising in grief counselling.

Cuels letter, dated the 27th August 2004 was in regard to the three whistle-blowers formal complaint against Erooga and Ratcliffe.

The following is what Cuel says about the matter:

“You make some very serious allegations about Marcus Erooga which must be investigated. As you know, I have already arranged for Greta Thompson to deal with the formal grievance regarding your treatment by Gordon Ratcliffe […] I am bound to say that I do have some concerns about the nature and extent of the complaints and grievances […] I feel that I should also make it clear that if allegations of that sort were found to have been made recklessly, or without reasonable justification then that would be viewed as an equally serious matter”.   

What a fucking tosser, that prick is. What he was basically saying is that Sue and her two collegues were making it up. He was also issuing concealed threats – not for the first time either was it Mr Cuel Y’fool, ya fucking lowlife, pointless skidmark.

You should also be made aware that the area service manager for the NSPCC, Graham Brooks informed the three whistle-blowers that Wet, Wes, Wet, would be ‘less than happy‘ if the trio pursued their grievances, and suggested that their lives would be made “very difficult” should they decide to do so.

Moreover, at a time when the whistle-blowers were receiving silent and ‘odd’ phone calls, as well as unordered taxis turning up at their home addresses, Cuel sent some inappropriate posters to the Acorn centre – despite the posters being of a nature that the centre wouldn’t use (see next photo).

With that being the case, and given the posters content the whistle-blowers could only conclude that they had been sent the posters as a veiled warning – A fact, that I am inclined to agree with.

 

Despite the hostile atmosphere, the trio still found the courage to report their concerns about Grosskopf, Erooga & Ratarse to their governing body, The General Social Care Council (GSCC) – now known as the Health and Care Professions Council (HCPC).

Mrs ‘M’ also did the same in regards to Grosskopf.

A short time later,whilst ringing the GSCC to discuss her role in the proceedings, she was informed by Karen Devine (acting investigation team leader), that the GSCC would be taking the matter forward regardless of whether or not Mrs M pursued the complaint.

Ms Devine also told the trio of whistle-blowers that the GSCC’s view was that Grosskopf’s behaviour – both in terms of planning and detonating a bomb as well as withholding information from the GSCC in order to achieve registration – amounted to “misconduct” i.e. conduct that calls into question the suitability of a registrant to remain on the register.

Ms Devine also added that the GSCC viewed the complaint so seriously that the whistle-blowers would not have to worry about acting as complainants since the GSCC would be taking that role.

Because, the GSCC were taking this stance, the whistle-blowers were afforded vulnerable witness status.

In respect to the complaints against Erooga and Ratcliffe, Karen Devine told the whistle-blowers that the GSCC were of the opinion that fundamentally their cases were even more serious than Grosskopf’s because of their collusion with Him to achieve registration and by withholding information without which the GSCC could not do their job properly.

They then received a letter from the GSCC’s conduct support officer, Christina Christodoulou, informing them that the cases against Erooga and Ratcliffe had been transferred to a ‘Full Conduct Hearing’ and checking to make sure that the Trio were still willing to be involved in the case.

The trio answered in the affirmative and a date was set for them to have statements taken by the GSCC’s Solicitor on the 20/10/05.

On the 17th October 2005, the trio received a letter that the case scheduled to take place against Grosskopf had been cancelled, without any explanation as to why.

When the trio met with the GSCC’s solicitor on the 20th, no statements were taken in regard to Erooga and Ratcliffe. Instead, they were bombarded with questions as to what paperwork, relating to the case, the three of them still had in their possession.

The Solicitors were categorically explicit that the case regarding Grosskopf was closed and therefore not a subject for discussion at all.

They were however, later given an explanation as to why the case against Grosskopf had been dropped. They were informed that “issues” had arisen of a “sensitive” nature involving “NATIONAL and INTERNATIONAL” LAW and which was “ PRIVILEGED INFORMATION” that the trio were not allowed to be party too.

Make of that, what you will. I certainly know what I make of it.

The three then received letters informing them that the cases against Erooga and Ratcliffe were going back to a preliminary hearing, which was in complete contradiction to the letter they had received on the 6th of September, informing them that the Preliminary hearing Committee had referred the case to a full conduct hearing.

Strangely enough, the GSCC had changed Solicitors shortly before dropping the Grosskopf case. Their original solicitor had told the trio that there was “no way that the GSCC would let the case drop”.

Course, it is a sad reflection on society that people with principles do not get far in life.

Therefore, there was no surprise when In turn; the new solicitors eventually dropped the case against Erooga and Ratcliffe.

I will remind you however, that once the GSCC had been informed about Grosskopf and the two managers, it had been their decision to pursue the case after taking it out of the hands of Mrs ‘M’ & the three whistle-blowers.

On the 7th of December 2005, Sue and ‘Jacky’ received letters from the GSCC advising them that they had received an unspecified complaint about their conduct. Sue then sent a letter in reply asking for details of the complaint. To date, no answer has ever been forthcoming.

Despite Grosskopf inexplicably having had his case dropped by the General Social Care in October 2005, he never returned to his post at the NSPCC. The three whistle-blowers were told that the mass murderer had been paid to leave with a gagging order attached to the pay off.

The following is a list of bomb attacks in the UK since 1992. I will remind you that MK had a close relationship with the IRA. I would also point out that the British Government are not opposed to staging the odd false flag operation now and again. And, whilst I’m not saying that Grosskopf was responsible for the following bomb attacks, he certainly had/has the know how and bollocks to have done:

  • 1992 10 April: Baltic Exchange bombing: A large bomb explodes in St Mary Axe in the City of London. The bomb was contained in a large white truck and consisted of a fertilizer device wrapped with a detonation cord made from Semtex. It killed three people: Paul Butt, 29, Baltic Exchange employee Thomas Casey, 49, and 15-year old Danielle Carter. The bomb also caused damage to surrounding buildings, many of which were also badly damaged by the Bishopsgate bombing the following year. The bomb caused £800 million worth of damage, £200 million more than the total damaged caused by the 10,000 explosions that had occurred during the Troubles in Northern Ireland up to that point.
  • 1992 25 August: The IRA plant three fire bombs in Shrewsbury, Shropshire. Bombs were placed in Shoplatch, The Charles Darwin Centre, and Shrewsbury Castle. The latter causing the most damage as the castle housed the Shropshire Regimental Museum and many priceless historical artefacts were lost and damaged by fire and smoke. No fatalities or injuries were recorded.
  • 1992 12 October: A device explodes in the gents’ toilet of the Sussex Arms public house in Covent Garden killing one person and injuring four others.
  • 1992 16 November: IRA plants a bomb at the Canary Wharf, but is spotted by security guards. The bomb is deactivated safely.
  • 1992 3 December: The IRA exploded two bombs in central Manchester, injuring 65 people.
  • 1993 20 March: Warrington bomb attacks. The first attack, on a gasworks, created a huge fireball but no casualties, but the second attack on Bridge Street killed two children and injured many other people. The attacks were conducted by the IRA.
  • 1993 24 April: IRA detonate a huge truck bomb in the City of London at Bishopsgate, It killed journalist Ed Henty, injured over 40 people, and causing approximately £1 billion worth of damage, including the destruction of St Ethelburga’s church, and serious damage to Liverpool St. Tube Station. Police had received a coded warning, but were still evacuating the area at the time of the explosion. The insurance payments required were so enormous, that Lloyd’s of London almost went bankrupt under the strain, and there was a crisis in the London insurance market. The area had already suffered damage from the Baltic Exchange bombing the year before.
  • 1994 July: A car-bomb goes off outside the Israeli embassy in London, injuring fourteen.
  • 1994 27 July: A car-bomb goes off outside Balfour House in London, home to a Jewish charity, injuring five.
  • 1995 January: A bomb goes off at a Sikh newspaper office in London, killing the editor.
  • 1996 9 February: The IRA bombs the South Quay area of London, killing two people. (see 1996 Docklands bombing)
  • 1996 15 February: A 5 lb bomb placed in a telephone box is disarmed by Police on the Charing Cross Road.
  • 1996 18 February: An improvised high explosive device detonates prematurely on a bus travelling along Aldwych in central London, killing Edward O’Brien, the IRA operative transporting the device and injuring eight others.
  • 1996 15 June: The Manchester bombing when the IRA detonated a 1500 kg bomb which heavily damaged the Arndale shopping centre and injured 206 people.
  • 1997 March: The IRA exploded two bombs in relay boxes near Wilmslow railway station, thereby causing great disruption to rail and road services, in Wilmslow and the surrounding area.
  • 2000 1 June: Real IRA bomb explodes on Hammersmith Bridge, London
  • 2001 4 March: The Real IRA detonate a car bomb outside the BBC’s main news centre in London. One London Underground worker suffered deep cuts to his eye from flying glass and some damage was caused to the front of the building.
  • 2001 16 April: Hendon post office bombed by the Real IRA.
  • 2001 6 May: The Real IRA detonates a bomb in a London postal sorting office. One person was injured.
  • 2001 3 August: A Real IRA Bomb in Britain explodes in Ealing, West London, injuring seven people.
  • 2001 4 November: Real IRA car bomb explodes in Birmingham
  • 2005 7 July: The 7 July 2005 London bombings conducted by four separate Islamist extremist suicide bombers, killing 56 people and injuring 700.
  • 2007 January – February: The 2007 United Kingdom letter bombs
  • 2007 30 June: 2007 Glasgow International Airport attack perpetrated by Islamist extremists.
  • 2008 22 May: 22 May 2008 Exeter bombing by an Islamist extremist, injuring only the perpetrator.

 

There is an awful lot of IRA and car bombs in that list and you certainly have to question Grosskopf’s role at the NSPCC.

After all, common sense dictates that there would have been a lot more people with much more experience and better qualifications than him applying for the post of the Acorn Centre Manager… For a start, they probably wouldn’t have ever killed anyone. That is always an advantage when working with traumatised and sexually abused children.

What I find extremely worrying not to mention suspect is some of the strange decisions Grosskopf made.

For instance, Sue Marshall will testify to the fact that Grosskopf removed her, with neither warning nor explanation, from a case of serious child abuse that was going very well. Sue had been working on the case for over 6 months and was finally making progress with the young victims, who were on the brink of naming some very prominent people as being their abusers.

When Sue tackled Grosskopf as to why he had taken her off the case just as she had gained the young victims trust, she told me that he became uncharacteristically angry and described her as being like a dog with a bone… She never did get an explanation.

Moreover, Sue maintains that she is not the only one whom Grosskopf removed from cases under similar circumstances.

I think it is without doubt that Grosskopf has some friends in very high places. I also believe that it is blatantly obvious that Grosskopf was either working for the British Security Services or did some sort of deal with the government in order to remain in the country. I still stick with my view that he is on the MI6 payroll.

To date, 23/3/2013, Grosskopf remains a ‘Social Worker’ in the UK, and was re-registered with the HCPC on the 1st of December, 2012 in Bromsgrove. His registration number is SW25098 and he does not have to register again now, until the 1st of December 2014.

I cannot say for certain which social services he is working for at the moment – if any – although Bromsgrove is in Worcestershire.  He also recently contributed to a White Paper Report for Lancaster University.

Moreover – and as I have already mentioned – Grosskopf  offers a private counselling service in partnership with his old NSPCC boss and common law wife Dorothy Heaps. They run this business  from a house in Keighley, West Yorkshire. I do not know for certain, whether or not this is also the couples family home, although in all probability it is. As I have said, the indications are that Dotty and Heiny are still very much  a couple.

Moreover, they must be doing okay financially since Grosskopf’s 21year old daughter attends the Philosophy, Politics, and Economics University of Oxford, whose fees have just increased to £9000 per annum.

One thing is for sure; there is certainly a lot more to Heinrich Grosskopf than meets the eye.

Perhaps then, that’s why the Cunt Cameron, Lard Arse Tom Watson, Philandering George Galloway, James ‘the joke’ Duddridge, Eric ‘ettajarof’ Pickles, Alan ‘jobby’ Johnson, Henry ‘shit’ Smith, Andy Pandy Lansley, and Terrible Tracey Crouch, to name but a few of the many MP’s who have been contacted about Grosskopf, have just totally ignored the issue… The fucking over paid, useless robbing cunts.

The same can be said of every National Newspaper in the country and one or two abroad, who were all too scared to touch the story. As were the BBC, ITV, RT News and Press TV… Fucking corrupt pointless Smeg Heads.

And let us not forget that the NSPCC themselves took over a week to respond to the many public requests for them to make a statement on Grosskopf. Furthermore, I strongly suspect that the only reason they answered after a week, was because other people were beginning to pick up on the corporate charities silence.

And even when they issued a statement, it consisted of  a load of old bollocks and tissues of lies… Not that I expected any different.

But take note those of you at the NSPCC who think that your “powerful Machine” is too big to malfunction… Spivey Boy here, is a long, long way from being done with you yet. I can promise you that, ya fucking  corrupt, nonce cunts… Keep reading.

As for the two bully boys, Martin Erooga and Gordon Ratcliffe? Well, unfortunately they are both still working for the NSPCC.

Erooga is also involved with the National Organisation for the Treatment of Abusers – AKA the Nonce Club.

I have to say that I am quite surprised at the lack of available information on E-booger. Especially when you consider the number of books that the Bogie has written.

He did however write a report in 2009 – although you will have to see the photo below to find out what the report is in connection with. I find myself laughing far too much every time I try typing an outline as to the reports contents.

 

 

See what I mean. The cunt has some fucking front, I’ll give him that.

That doesn’t alter the fact that going on what I have read about the pair of fucking idiots, they both appear to need a good slap… And keeping as far away from children as possible too.

That also goes for the flaming La La, Wes Cuel. They may all have been good at intimidating women but the trio of turnips certainly don’t frighten me… Where’s your all powerful machine now ya fucking bunch of ballet dancers?

Unfortunately, It appears that Grosskopf, and the three stooges are just the tip of the iceberg when it comes down to corruption, and sleaze at the NSPCC.

You see, since writing my first couple of articles about Grosskopf, I have been contacted by another former employee of the NSPCC, whose life was made a living hell after she also blew the whistle on NSPCC wrong doings.

I have now introduced her to Sue Marshall, who is much better equipped to talk to her than I am. I say that, because the NSPCC have put the fear of god into her and as such, she is a bit nervous about releasing all of the sordid details.

However, I hope to have her full story in time for Part two.

I also hold information on a number of NSPCC Social workers who were involved in paedophile rings, and child murder as well as some who were involved in satanic child abuse… I kid you fucking not.

And even then, I can promise you that that is far from the extent of what I now know about the NSPCC.

The whole organisation is corrupt, and rotten to the core,

I would in fact, estimate there to be millions of pounds of public money going missing and being misappropriated every year… A lot of people are doing very, very nicely out of the Charity, thank you very much.

Indeed, you only need to look at some of those nonces that the NSPCC use to front the organisation to know that far from protecting children, the government funded ‘free for all’ is a grave danger to them… But all will be revealed in ‘Rotten To The Core’ Part 2.

In the meantime, I would urge anyone who is thinking about making a donation to the NSPCC, to think again. That donation is helping to fund child abuse, not put a stop to it.

Martin Grosskopf – An Apology 

In my previous article about Hein Grosskopf I stated that his Brother Martin was murdered as a result of Hein’s affiliation to the ANC. This information was gained from the following source: http://www.boerevryheid.co.za/forums/archive/index.php/t-3676.html

I have since been contacted by Martins niece Carin Grosskopf, who informed me that the Hein Grosskopf mentioned in the link is her father and not Hein Grosskopf the terrorist.

Hein Grosskopf the terrorist is a second cousin of Martin and Carin’s father. With this being the case, I now fully accept that there is no evidence to link Martins murder to retaliation for crimes committed by Hein Grosskopf, the MK Bomber.

Indeed, I have been informed by a number of people that Martin was a man of peace and honour, who is sadly missed by all those who knew him.

I have given Carin my unreserved apology for any distress that I may have caused her and her family, which I’m pleased to say, she has graciously accepted.

So, that is more or less it for Part One. However, Sue Marshall has sent me a bit to add on which you can read once I have finished droning on. Following Sue’s message, there are a couple of other Newspaper articles about Grosskopf, should you care to read them.

So, until the next time,

Piss off.

Chris.

 


 

 

South Africa: MK Chief Blows Holes In TRC Amnesty

 

Testimony from former Umkhonto weSizwe (MK) special operations commander Hein Grosskopf this week has raised further questions about the quality of amnesty findings by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC).

Grosskopf’s testimony casts doubt on the decision this year by a three- member amnesty committee, chaired by Judge Andrew Wilson, that granted amnesty to MK operative John Dube and three other MK operatives for the murder of student activist Sicelo Dlomo in January 1988.

Dlomo was long suspected of having been the victim of a police assassination, so there was considerable surprise when the four African National Congress members admitted to killing Dlomo. The applicants, including at least one close friend of Dlomo, claimed he had been a police informer. However, evidence at the amnesty hearing showed that all the “evidence” against Dlomo emanated from Dube himself and could not be corroborated.

Dube testified that he had informed his direct commander, Grosskopf, about the killing in late 1988 when back in Lusaka. The clear inference was that the ANC had been informed, Dube had not been sanctioned and that the execution was tacitly approved. On the basis of Dube’s version, it appeared that the ANC had cynically played along by accusing the apartheid security forces of another assassination, but knowing full well that its own cadres were responsible. This had a devastating affect on Sylvia Dlomo-Jele, Dlomo’s late mother, and she struggled to accept that the organisation she passionately supported could do this to her.

This week, however, Grosskopf denied that Dube had ever told him of the killing, raising questions regarding the point at which the ANC hierarchy was aware of circumstances surrounding the murder. It also raised further questions about the veracity of other aspects of Dube’s version, and whether further enquiries could have been made.

Far from being a spy, Dlomo had gained international exposure for his public statements regarding conditions in detention for juveniles. He was generally regarded as a thorn in the flesh of the security establishment and a target of several threats. The Dlomos’s legal representative presented a seemingly stronger case that suggested that Dube had himself been an informer and had falsely accused Dlomo. Dlomo was 18 at the time of his murder.

Dlomo-Jele remained convinced that Dube and the other applicants were not telling the truth, and wanted to know exactly what the ANC knew about the murder. She also wanted to know why they had kept her in the dark about the true identity of her son’s killers for 10 years.

At the hearing, no evidence was led supporting Dube’s claim that the military command had been informed.

Dube’s testimony was characterised by a morass of contradictions and improbabilities. He also admitted that he had worked for the police, but as a double agent, and only some time after the incident and with the blessing of his MK commanders. According to former askari Joe Mamasela, Dube was handled by notorious Soweto security branch operative Anton Pretorius, who has applied for amnesty in several matters, including the kidnapping and torture of Nokthula Simelane. It also emerged during the hearing that a number of attorneys who regularly appear for ANC applicants were not willing to appear on behalf of Dube because of the sensitivity of the case and the pall of suspicion around the applicants.

It now emerges the amnesty committee conducted no investigation into the Dlomo case and did not even have any information regarding the limited investigation conducted by the human rights violation committee that established who was involved in the killing, but not why it had happened. In its judgement, the committee referred to none of the concerns raised by the Dlomo family’s legal representative during closing arguments, and declared that the applicants had fulfilled the amnesty criteria. It appears, however, that truth is not at a premium.

Piers Pigou is a former Truth and Reconciliation Commission investigator –

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South Africa: Amnesty applicant says he paid his dues

 

Pretoria — A special Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK) unit planned to blow up the Caltex refinery outside Cape Town in 1980 so that African National Congress (ANC) leaders incarcerated on Robben Island could see the flames, the truth commission’s amnesty committee heard yesterday.

David Moisi, who applied for amnesty for his part in the May 1980 limpet mine attack on Sasol 2, was, however, arrested before his unit could strike at the target.

He was charged with high treason and sentenced to death. After spending two years on death row, his sentence was commuted to life imprisonment.

“I have, through my incarceration, treatment at the hands of the security police and the time I served on death row, already paid my dues for my part in the armed struggle. I wish to be granted amnesty so that I may have my name expunged from the criminal records,” Moisi told the committee.

After receiving military training in Angola and the German Democratic Republic in the late 1970s, Moisi joined MK’s special operations under the command of the late Joe Slovo and under Aboobaker Ismail.

Moisi testified he was instructed to carry out an operation at Sasol II near Secunda. He was involved in the planning and implementation of the operation with four other members of his unit.

“On May 31 1980 we prepared ourselves by changing into uniforms used by Sasol workers. We carried limpet mines that were secured onto metal flaps hidden under our clothes,” he said.

Seven limpet mines were attached to purifiers and a gasifier, which detonated about an hour after being placed.

The committee earlier heard that the four unit members had two limpet mines each, but that “we had lost one nearby”.

Moisi is one of 10 former MK members testifying at special hearings into the ANC’s armed wing.

They have applied for amnesty for a range of high-profile bombings in Gauteng and the Free State between 1980 and 1988, including the Church Street bombing in Pretoria, blasts at two Sasol plants, a car bomb at the Krugersdorp Magistrate’s Court and an attack at Wits Command.

About 20 people were killed and more than 350 injured in the spate of attacks.

Colin de Sousa told the committee he had done reconnaissance at Wits command during July 1987 after being requested to do so by an ANC member.

Wits command was attacked on July 30 by Hein Grosskopf, who, although he has applied for amnesty for the attack which left one dead, earlier said he would not testify before the amnesty committee.

De Sousa said he had only once before met Grosskopf, but that he did not know Grosskopf’s true identity until recently, when he was shown a photograph by truth commission investigators.

The hearing continues tomorrow.

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South Africa: Ismail ‘will not apologise for attacks’

BY STEPHANE BOTHMA, 5 MAY 1998

Pretoria — Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK) special operations chief Aboobaker Ismail, who planned and approved the May 20 1983 Church Street bomb which left 19 dead and more than 200 injured, said he made no apology for the African National Congress’s (ANC’s) armed struggle, but regretted the deaths of innocent civilians.

Applying for amnesty for a host of attacks carried out by MK during the 1980s, including the Church Street bombing, an attack on the Sasol refineries and a rocket attack on Voortrekkerhoogte, Ismail said that in the course of war, life was lost and the injury to and killing of innocent civilians became inevitable.

“I am proud of the bravery, discipline and selfless sacrifices of the cadres of special operations who operated under my command.”

Ismail is one of several former MK members whose amnesty applications are scheduled to be heard this session. The acts for which they are applying for amnesty left 20 people dead and more than 350 injured.

Hein Grosskopf, who has applied for amnesty but failed to appear yesterday, had his application removed from the roll of the present hearings. Grosskopf said in a letter to the commission that he would not be attending the hearings but was willing to answer any questions about the bomb attack on Wits Command in Johannesburg in July 1987. However, as the attack for which he is applying for amnesty involved a gross human rights violation, he must appear before the committee to qualify for amnesty.

Ismail, who was appointed to the rank of major general in the SA National Defence Force in 1994 but who is now with the defence secretariat, said he and former SA Communist Party leader Joe Slovo had approved the SA Air Force headquarters in Church Street as a legitimate target and agreed that an operation at the right time of day would strike overwhelmingly at military personnel outside a military target. Ismail had tested the detonating device himself.

He said a stolen car had been packed with explosives and delivered to a pre-arranged parking area by MK cadre Helene Pastoors. On May 20, the vehicle had been driven by Freddie Shongwe and Ezekiel Maseko who had planned to detonate the bomb at about 4pm, when it was expected that a large number of military personnel would be queuing at a bus stop outside airforce headquarters. “But the bomb detonated a bit prematurely. It is thought that the charge was triggered as the operative switched the mechanism on,” Ismail said. Both cadres were killed.

Although he could not remember all the attacks, Ismail said he took full responsibility for a large number of attacks, including those on Sasol I and II on May 31 and June 1 1980 in which one security guard was injured, attacks on power stations at Camden and Arnot and a rocket attack on Voortrekkerhoogte on August 12 1981 in which a black woman was injured.

There were also a number of attacks on power stations, fuel depots and railway stations; a bomb at the Johannesburg Magistrates Court on December 31 1982; an attack on the Koeberg nuclear power station in the Cape; explosions at a number of government buildings; and an explosion at Anglo American headquarters in Johannesburg.

* The foreign affairs department said the application for amnesty relating to seven bomb attacks in the 1980s was lodged by Mohammed Iqbal Shaik, not by Rieaz (Mo) Shaik, the SA consul-general in Hamburg, as reported.

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South Africa: MK Cadres to Testify on Bombings

 

Pretoria — Two senior government officials will be among a group of former Umkhonto weSizwe (MK) cadres to appear before the truth commission’s amnesty committee this week in connection with a spate of African National Congress (ANC) bombings in the 1980s which left more than 20 people dead and 350 injured.

Nine former MK members had applied for amnesty for the Church Street bomb in Pretoria in 1983, attacks on the Krugersdorp Magistrate’s Court in 1988, explosions at Sasol I and II in 1980, an attack on the Wits Command in Johannesburg in 1987 and a rocket attack at Voortrekkerhoogte in 1981, the truth commission announced last week.

Defence secretariat official Aboobaker Ismail, who during the 1980s was MK chief of operations and ordered the attacks, has applied for amnesty for 14 bomb attacks. He will be the first senior MK commander to testify about incidents which took place during the ANC armed struggle against the former National Party government.

Another government official to testify is Mo Shaik, a former MK national intelligence coordinator who was recently appointed as SA’s consul-general in Hamburg, Germany.

Shaik applied for amnesty on seven attacks which killed three and injured 53 others, the truth commission said.

At the same time, Hein Grosskopf will apply for amnesty for an explosion which damaged the SA Defence Force’s Wits command on July 30 1987. One soldier died and 68 people were injured.

ANC member Helene Pastoors applied for amnesty with Ismail and Johannes Molefe for the Church Street car bomb which killed 21 and injured 217 on May 19 1983 outside the air force headquarters.

Other attacks which will come under the spotlight over the next three weeks are explosions at the Ciskei consulate at the Carlton Centre in August 1983, the department of cooperation and development in December 1983, the Market Street, Johannesburg, branch of foreign affairs in December 1983, the police regional office in Roodepoort in August 1984, the railway police head office in Johannesburg also in August 1984, home affairs in Johannesburg in September that year and at John Vorster square, Johannesburg, in March 1986.

The hearings take place in Pretoria and according to the truth commission, more than 20 victims of these attacks have already contacted the amnesty committee.

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South Africa: Former ANC Fighters Seek Amnesty From Truth Commission

4 MAY 1998

CAPE TOWN, South Africa (PANA) — South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission began Monday one of its most important hearings with nine former Umkhonto weSizwe cadres, the former army of the ruling African National Congress, applying for amnesty for several major bombings in the country between 1980 and 1988.

The attacks, which brought the apartheid government to its knees, include the bombings of the Sasol oil refineries, the Voortrekkerhoogte Military Base, the Air Force Headquarters in Church Street, Pretoria, Wits Command, the Krugersdorp Magistrate’s Court and other government offices and police stations.

At least 20 people were killed in the attacks which left some 400 others injured.

The men who have applied for amnesty are Aboobaker Ismail, David Moisi, Velaphi Seshir Msane, Johannes Molefe, Mohammed Iqbal Shaik, Mohammed Abdullah Ismail, Johannes Heinreich Grosskopf and Colin Mark De Souza.

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